tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-41537267703922457722024-03-16T12:57:47.350-04:00Diary of a Heartland RadicalHarry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comBlogger879125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-5738369744680236042024-03-15T10:31:00.006-04:002024-03-15T10:36:21.654-04:00United States/Chinese Economic Relations: a radio program<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><span style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="https://radio.cgtn.com/podcast/news/1/Panel-Will-a-US-election-year-see-more-turbulence-in-China-US-economic-relations/472255">https://radio.cgtn.com/podcast/news/1/Panel-Will-a-US-election-year-see-more-turbulence-in-China-US-economic-relations/472255</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin-bottom: 12pt;"><br /></p><h2 class="date-header" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 11px; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: transparent; letter-spacing: inherit; margin: inherit; padding: inherit;">Sunday, August 2, 2020</span></h2><div class="date-posts" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 14px;"><div class="post-outer"><div class="post hentry uncustomized-post-template" itemprop="blogPost" itemscope="itemscope" itemtype="http://schema.org/BlogPosting" style="margin: 0px 0px 25px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><a name="5744195904714665216"></a><h3 class="post-title entry-title" itemprop="name" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 24px; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0.75em 0px 0px; position: relative;">"PLAYING THE CHINA CARD" (Differently)</h3><div class="post-header" style="font-size: 12.6px; line-height: 1.6; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em;"><div class="post-header-line-1"></div></div><div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-5744195904714665216" itemprop="description articleBody" style="font-size: 15.4px; line-height: 1.4; position: relative; width: 570px;"><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Harry Targ</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9KMlFA3zJrBWByJU4EzP5Xm4KORIHkUDsiiZfIQJrgjBDS_UgUkimx6A9vjvddvHhuOlnRWUe0Q-ADiVQy7KHvANmIgfIhq0lSqHyQgOMOyR57afHttoS-jnqleURfFJuR0kHjQi5cg8/" style="color: #993300; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img alt="" data-original-height="339" data-original-width="800" height="136" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEj9KMlFA3zJrBWByJU4EzP5Xm4KORIHkUDsiiZfIQJrgjBDS_UgUkimx6A9vjvddvHhuOlnRWUe0Q-ADiVQy7KHvANmIgfIhq0lSqHyQgOMOyR57afHttoS-jnqleURfFJuR0kHjQi5cg8/" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="320" /></a></span></div><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">(<i>It is time to change from confrontation to cooperation. End the New Cold War now. 11/15/2021)</i><br /><br /></span><p></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Beginning in 1969 President Richard Nixon, guided by his National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger, fashioned a new policy toward China; what became known as “playing the China card.” It was motivated by a desire to push back and ultimately create regime change in the Soviet Union. Cognizant of growing hostilities between the two large communist states, Nixon and Kissinger developed this plan to play one off against the other. Central to this policy was launching a diplomatic process that led to the1979 US formal diplomatic recognition of China. During the 1970s, the United States and China supported the same political allies in various parts of the world, Southern Africa and Southeast Asia for example. The split in the socialist world between the Soviet Union and China significantly contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union and the weakening of socialism, for a time, on the world stage. Thus, from a US imperial point of view “playing the China card” worked.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">In a speech on Thursday July 23 Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared that the Nixon opening to China was a mistake. “We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come: that if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply won’t get it done. We must not continue it and we must not return to it.” (Edward Wong, Steven Lee Myers, “Officials Push U.S.-China Relations Toward Point of No Return,” <i>The New York Times, </i>July 25, 2020). If it is true that the Nixon/Kissinger foreign policy toward China did in fact facilitate the weakening of socialism as a world force, why is the Secretary of State now calling “playing the China card” a mistake?</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">The answer to this question, or more broadly why is United States foreign policy returning to a policy hostile to China, perhaps creating a “New Cold War,” has several parts. <b>First</b>, as Alfred McCoy has described (<i>In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of US Global Power, </i>Haymarket Books, 2017), the United States, relatively speaking, is a declining power. As to economic growth, scientific and technological developments, productivity, and trade, the US, compared to China particularly, is experiencing stagnation or decline. China has engaged in massive global projects in transportation, trade, and scientific advances and by 2030 based on many measures will advance beyond the US.</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">According to McCoy, the United States has embarked on a path to overcome its declining relative economic hegemony by increasingly investing in military advances: a space force, a new generation of nuclear weapons, cyber security, biometrics, and maintaining or enhancing a global military presence particularly in the Pacific (what Obama spokespersons called “the Asian pivot”). In other words, rather than accommodating to a new multipolar world in the 21<sup>st</sup> century, the United States is seeking to reestablish its global hegemony through military means.</span></p><p><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Second</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">, the United States is desperately seeking to overcome the end of its monopoly on technological advances. In computerization, transportation, pharmaceuticals, it is challenging Chinese innovations, claiming that China’s advances are derived not from its domestic creativity but from “pirating” from United States companies. For example, the prestigious and influential Council on Foreign Relations issued a report last year entitled “Innovation and National Security: Keeping Our Edge.” The report warned that “…the United States risks falling behind its competitors, principally China.” China is investing significantly in new technologies, CFR claims, which they predict will make China the biggest inventor by 2030. Also, to achieve this goal they are “exploiting” the openness of the US by violating intellectual property rights and spying. Therefore, the CFR concluded, since technological innovation is linked to economic and military advantage and since US leadership in technology and science is at risk, the nation must recommit to rebuilding its scientific prowess.<a name="_Hlk47169755"></a></span></p><p><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Third, </span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">while the United States is engaged in efforts at regime change around the world and is using brutal economic sanctions to starve people into submission (such as in Venezuela, Cuba, Iran and 36 other countries victimized by economic sanctions), China is increasing its economic ties to these countries through investments, trade, and assistance. And China opposes these US policies in international organizations. In broad terms Chinese policy stands with the majority of countries in the Global South while the United States seeks to control developments there.</span></p><p><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Fourth, </span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">although Trump foreign policy is designed to recreate a Cold War, with China as the target, a policy also embraced by most Democrats, there is at the same time counter-pressure from sectors of the capitalist class who have ties to the Chinese economy: investment, global supply chains, and financial speculation. Moreover, sectors of Chinese capital own or have substantial control over many US corporations and banks. In addition, the Chinese government controls over $1 trillion of US debt. For these sectors of US capital, economic ties with China remain economically critical. In addition some writers, such as Jerry Harris, point to the emergence of a “transnational capitalist class” whose interests are not tied to any nation-state (<i>Global Capitalism and the Crisis of Democracy</i>, Clarity Press, 2016).</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Consequently, while the trajectory of US policy is toward a return to cold war, there is some push back by economic and political elites as well. As <i>the New York Times</i> article above put it, “In the United States, tycoons and business executives, who exercise enormous sway among politicians of both parties, will continue to push for a more moderate approach, as members of Mr. Trump’s cabinet who represent Wall Street interests have done.”</span></p><p><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Fifth</span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">, American domestic politics provide the immediate cause of the transformation of US/China policy. Candidate Donald Trump’s popularity is declining dramatically because of the spread of the covid pandemic, its impacts on the US economy, and the rise of racial tensions in the country. A classic antidote for politicians experiencing declining popularity is to construct an external enemy, “an other,” which can redirect the attention of the public from their personal troubles. President Trump has sought to deflect the cause of the spreading pandemic onto the Chinese. It is this external enemy that is the source of our domestic problems. In this context the President is talking tough with the “enemy” of the United States, and, as Secretary of State Pompeo suggests, it is about time that the US government gives up illusions about working with China. Only a Trump administration, he suggested, would be capable of doing this (forget President Obama’s “Asian pivot”).</span></p><p><b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Finally, </span></b><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">the ideological package of racism, white supremacy, and American Exceptionalism so prevalent in United States history has resurfaced in dramatic ways as the Trump administration and its allies have opposed nationwide protests against police violence and structural racism. White supremacy at home is inextricably connected with American Exceptionalism abroad. For example President Theodore Roosevelt in 1910 claimed that the white race has been critical to civilization. Years later Madeleine Albright, the Secretary of State in the Clinton Administration (and more recently President Barack Obama) spoke about the United States as the “indispensable nation,”a model of economics and politics for the world. Pompeo continues this tradition claiming that the United States stands for a “free 21<sup>st</sup> century.” This sense of omniscience has been basic to the ideological justification of United States imperial rule.<a name="_Hlk47193520"></a></span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Each of these elements, from the changing shape of economic and military capabilities, to political exigencies, to the pathologies of culture, require a peace and justice movement that stands for peaceful coexistence, demilitarization, building a world of economic justice and the rights of people to determine their own destiny, and inalterable opposition to racism, white supremacy, and exceptionalisms of all kinds.</span></p><p><span face=""helvetica",sans-serif" style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 14.2667px;">Panel: China-US relations at turning point? <a href="http://chinaplus.cri.cn/podcast/detail/1/232452" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">http://chinaplus.cri.cn/podcast/detail/1/232452</a> </span></p><p><span style="font-family: "times new roman", serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"> </span></p></div></div></div></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-91279705138121675092024-03-08T10:02:00.001-05:002024-03-08T10:02:26.568-05:00THE VIETNAM WOMEN'S UNION: AN EFFECTIVE MASS ORGANIZATION<p><span style="font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p><p class="MsoNormal">(Originally posted Sunday, April 17, 2011)<o:p></o:p></p>
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</span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Vietnamese Women’s Club. Photo by Paul
Krehbiel</span><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">We arrived
in time to be ushered into a meeting of a rural Vietnamese women’s club, just
outside of Hue. Discussion among the 75 single women was animated,
self-assured, and clearly engaged. Members listened to each other, respected
what each had to say, and evidenced not one iota of shyness even though their
discussion of women’s health, environmental, and other immediate issues was
being observed by eight American guests and a Vietnam Women’s Union official
from Hanoi.<br />
<br />
We had already been to a briefing at the Center for Women and Development’s new
building, and the Women’s Museum in Hanoi. We had visited Peace House, a
shelter for Vietnamese women victimized by sexual trafficking, part of the CWD
project to provide shelter, training, and advocacy for women victimized by
domestic violence or sexual trafficking. All of these venues-- the CWD, the
Women’s Museum, the rural single women’s club, the Peace House shelter
project-- were part of the national activities of the Vietnam Women’s Union.
The VWU was clearly well- organized at the center, clear of purpose and
commitment, and connected to regional and local bodies of women throughout the
country.<br />
<br />
Our introduction to the VWU was part of a 14-day educational tour of Vietnam in
March, 2011 organized by the Committees of Correspondence for Democracy and
Socialism (CCDS) and hosted by the Vietnam Women’s Union. In addition to our
request to receive information about the VWU, we expressed interest in
briefings on the Vietnamese policy known as Doi Moi, or the social market
economy, and the lingering long-term impacts on the Vietnamese people of the
10-year use of Agent Orange during the American war. These issues and more were
covered on our travels, briefings, museum visits, and conversations with
Vietnamese people. The focus of this essay is the VWU.<br />
<br />
The Vietnam Women’s Union, one of six major mass organizations in the country,
was founded in 1930 just before the Indochinese Communist Party. In socialist
theory and practice, mass organizations are designed to mobilize major
populations who require and are committed to social change in their societies.
While their ideas and programs parallel those of local Communist parties, they
are committed to meeting the needs of workers, women, youth, farmers, war
veterans, and others whether they are members of political parties or not. Also
effective mass organizations require both leadership and authentic and active
participation from the grassroots.<br />
<br />
As far as we could tell, the VWU is a model mass organization. It has levels of
activity and participation at the national and provincial levels as well as in
districts and small village communes. There are an estimated 13 million VWU
members. As indicated in a VWU pamphlet: “Since its foundation, VWU has
transformed itself fully into a women’s social-political and developmental
organization, which is mandated to protect women’s legitimate rights and strive
for gender equality.”<br />
<br />
Levels of organization of the Vietnamese Women’s Union consist of a National
Congress, a Central Executive Committee, a Presidium and provincial, district,
and communal organizations. The VWU has 16 departments including communication
and education, family and social affairs, international relations, ethnic and
religious affairs, law and policy, and departments overseeing museums, a
newspaper, and publishing. Our tour was organized by one of the departments,
Peace Tours.<br />
<br />
The VWU emphasizes organizational tasks ranging from supporting and building
women’s skills and autonomy at the local level to greater political influence
at the national level. The commitment to goals which were identified as
critical for the recent period, 2007-2012, were reflected in what we saw. These
included raising women’s consciousness, knowledge, and capacity, promoting
gender equality at all levels of society, promoting economic development,
building the VWU as a national organization, and building networks of
relationships with progressive organizations around the world.<br />
<br />
VWU short-term goals, identified in their literature seemed plausible based on
our brief observation. These included targeting 70% of poor women for support
“… to reduce poverty and eliminate hunger,” and “supporting more than 90% of
female-headed poor households, with the goal of 40 to 50% escaping from poverty.”<br />
<br />
One of the VWU departments, the Center for Women and Development, concentrates
particularly on giving support to victims and overcoming violence and sexual
trafficking of women. Peace House, with aid from overseas NGOs, was opened in
March, 2007, to construct a model shelter for abused Vietnamese women. A CWD
report indicated that “The Peace House has supported women and children who
suffered from domestic violence from all over the country. The numbers of women
and children receiving the services of the Peace House are increasing and after
leaving the Peace House they are new persons, more independent and able to
protect themselves and their children.”<br />
<br />
Reflecting on guided tours such as the CCDS visit to Vietnam can have profound
long-term impacts on participants, even though it is recognized that such tours
are designed to show host successes while minimizing problems or organizational
deficits. However, among the indisputable strengths of the VWU are the
following:<br />
<br />
1.VWU is truly a mass organization in the best sense of that term. It carries
out policies representing the interests of a large percentage of women in
Vietnamese society at all levels--from the rural commune to the nation.<br />
<br />
2.A fundamental component of all VWU work is the belief that there is dignity
in each member. Each Vietnamese woman has the right to fulfill her life to the
full limit of societal resources and to be an active agent in that fulfillment.<br />
<br />
3.Government, party, and mass organization, all have as their uppermost
obligation serving the people. This means that these entities continue to
struggle to overcome class exploitation, gender oppression, and racial and
ethnic discrimination.<br />
<br />
Several of the tour participants only partially in jest wondered if
progressives in the United States could hire Vietnam Women’s Union organizers
to help us reorder institutions and policies in the United States.<br />
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</span><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;">Vietnamese Doctors.
Photo by Paul Krehbiel<o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Vietnam
Women's Union website: <a href="http://hoilhpn.org.vn">http://hoilhpn.org.vn</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-22873552049119293082024-03-07T13:56:00.004-05:002024-03-07T13:59:07.295-05:00WORKING CLASS SOCIALIST, GRASSROOTS LABOR ORGANIZER, FEMINIST,FILM STAR: Thoughts on the Life of Vicky Starr<p>Originally posted on Sunday, January 10, 2010</p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Harry Targ<o:p></o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><a href="https://youtu.be/74gvcvXlgnM?si=aoS6iNk6i46oGvth">https://youtu.be/74gvcvXlgnM?si=aoS6iNk6i46oGvth</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-size: medium;"><br />
I read recently that Vicky Starr died on Thanksgiving Day, November 26, 2009.
She was 93 years old. Thinking about Vicky Starr (or for fans of the
film <i>Union Maids</i> Stella Nowicki) reminded me about how her life,
which many of us learned of through the film, was so inspirational.<br />
<br />
As a teenager, Vicky Starr left the family farm in Michigan and arrived on the
Southside of Chicago in 1933. She stayed in the home of Herb and Jane March,
Communist activists who had come to Chicago to organize the packing house workers
in the huge Stockyards. Under March’s tutelage she sought employment in the
Yards and almost immediately began to network with workers to build a union of
workers in the days leading up to the formation of the Congress of Industrial
Organizations (CIO).<br />
<br />
The processing of meat from the 1880s until the late 1950s was centered in
Chicago. The Stockyards, housing the Big Four packers (Armour, Cudahy, Swift,
and Wilson), employed thousands of workers. Because the work was so dangerous
and unpleasant, it was largely carried out by the most marginalized sectors of
the working class.<br />
<br />
In the era of Upton Sinclair’s, <i>The Jungle</i>, workers were primarily
immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe. After World War 1 and the “the
Great Migration,” African Americans secured the lowest paid and most dangerous
jobs in the Yards. Historic union organizing drives in 1904, and 1921 faltered
because of racism and ethnic conflict among workers. Communist and socialist
organizers in the Yards, such as March, realized that combating racism was
central to organizing industrial unionism in the meat packing industry.<br />
<br />
And it was rank-and-file activists like Vicky Starr who tirelessly met with
workers, helped write leaflets and newsletters, interacted with the radical
students from the University of Chicago who had offered their assistance to
union organizing drives, and communicated with sympathetic members of the
influential Catholic Church in the city.<br />
<br />
As a member of the Young Communist League, Starr and her comrades would read
classic Marxist and Leninist texts. Since Starr would be identified with
organizing campaigns by her bosses, she often lost her job in the yards. When
that occurred she would apply for work at another packing house company using a
different name.<br />
<br />
She told Alice and Staughton Lynd (<i>Rank and File</i>, 1973) many years
later: “When I look back now, I really think we had a lot of guts. But I didn’t
even stop to think about it at the time. It was something that had to be done.
We had a goal. That’s what we felt had to be done and we did it.”<br />
<br />
In 1937, workers established the Packinghouse Workers Organizing Committee
(PWOC). Despite resistance by the major meat packers, state violence,
red-baiting against union organizers by the state and the American Federation
of Labor’s Amalgamated Meat Cutters (AMC), the United Packinghouse Workers of
America (UPWA-CIO) was constituted in 1943. Until its merger with other unions,
it remained a militant trade union that fought racism and red-baiting and
publicly opposed United States foreign policies such as participation in the
Korean War. And during its formative years in the mid-1940s Vicky Starr served
for a time as Education Director for District 1 of UPWA.<br />
<br />
Central to Starr’s contribution to the working class from the time she was a
member of the Young Communist League, to the budding labor movement, the
formation of the UPWA, and later as an organizer of clerical workers at the
University of Chicago was her constant struggle against racism and sexism.
After the formation of UPWA Starr said “We tried to make sure that there were
both Negroes and whites as officers, stewards…in all the locals.” She fought
residential segregation and participated in building the Back of the Yards
Council on Chicago’s south side and worked to end the exclusion of African
Americans from professional sports. And in the end she recalled that the most
militant trade unionists on the shop floor, the beef kill, were African
Americans.<br />
<br />
As an organizer in the 30s and a UPWA staffer in the 40s she combated sexism as
well. “Women had an awfully tough time in the union because the men brought
their prejudices there.” Women often had the most demeaning jobs in the Yards,
wage rates discriminated against them, their special needs, such as child care
received no attention, and they often were fearful of demanding their rights on
the shop floor and in the union.<br />
<br />
As a socialist, Starr reflected on those halcyon days of UPWA-CIO organizing.
She said that there was a sense that workers were ready to come together. There
was a growing feeling of working class solidarity. Union organizers would show
up at the Stockyards with literature and speeches. And at the grassroots she
and others were on the shop floor spreading the word informally about the
union.<br />
<br />
And socialism needed to be addressed in terms of the concrete benefits of
people’s lives. “You had to talk about it in terms of what it would mean for
that person. We learned that you can’t manipulate people but that you really
had to be concerned with the interests and needs of the people. However, you
also had to have a platform--a projection of where you were going.”<br />
<br />
Starr left the Yards in 1945, was forced underground for a time in the McCarthy
period, raised four children and returned to work as a secretary at the
prestigious University of Chicago. She still had “a platform” at the
university, organizing all non-professional staff. Despite predictable
resistance from the bastion of liberalism in higher education she applied the
grassroots organizing skills she learned as a teenager in the stockyards to
achieve victory for clerical workers. Teamsters Local 743 was recognized in
1978. Vicky Starr became the first shop steward of the new local.<br />
<br />
But Starr’s contribution to the American working class, Black and White, male
and female did not remain unnoticed beyond the shop/office. Alice and Staughton
Lynd captured her remembrances of CIO organizing in the 1973 book <i>Rank
and File</i> and the clerical workers struggle in the 2000 book <i>New</i>
<i>Rank and Fil</i>e. And especially, “Stella Nowicki” was one of three stars
(the others were Sylvia Woods and Kate Hyndman) in the wonderful documentary (<i>Union
Maids</i>, 1977) about women organizing in the CIO in the 1930s.<br />
<br />
This last project made Vicky Starr a major celebrity. It brought to the
attention of new generations of activists the fighting spirit of the 1930s, the
central role Communists played in the battles, and the absolute centrality to
organizing the working class of fighting racism and sexism.<br />
<br />
Still relevant today, <i>Union Maids</i> (and the Lynds collections
of interviews), can help inspire, educate, and inform activists about tactics,
strategy, and basic principles of organizing.<br />
<br />
Vicky Starr concluded her 1973 interview saying: “It was a privilege and a
wonderful experience to participate in the excitement of those times.”<br />
<br />
It is important to remember Vicky Starr for what she did for the working class,
particularly industrial and clerical workers. And reflections on her life and
work can still inform activists as they struggle for economic justice today.<br />
<br />
<br style="mso-special-character: line-break;" />
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="line-height: 107%;"><o:p><span style="font-size: medium;"> </span></o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-82178410093779081442024-03-05T15:33:00.044-05:002024-03-05T15:49:09.889-05:00A SUMMARY OF REMARKS SUPPORTING A GAZA CEASE FIRE RESOLUTION: THE WEST LAFAYETTE CITY COUNCIL<p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">(March
4, 2024)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry
Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span> </span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmJCRTRo3zI7S8xoeMCnUpBbS8y4EHFpxBUVycTrbgiEdCSlIPrVrHA6RMExiB4hqijCicpUnmO7_vRx2XpCCP_cMrVpgCnVzwYDwucjiCMVuBbXCJ6Sb4lPcBkBDfrhpwhpReUNi0L2IBzKVLUBUx1Map_3rBHtLfyBizcLpEoSxLNxed6ulYFhkSdR0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="189" data-original-width="360" height="168" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmJCRTRo3zI7S8xoeMCnUpBbS8y4EHFpxBUVycTrbgiEdCSlIPrVrHA6RMExiB4hqijCicpUnmO7_vRx2XpCCP_cMrVpgCnVzwYDwucjiCMVuBbXCJ6Sb4lPcBkBDfrhpwhpReUNi0L2IBzKVLUBUx1Map_3rBHtLfyBizcLpEoSxLNxed6ulYFhkSdR0" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span> </span> Purdue Exponent Photo<br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Peace
activists, and many Americans generally, are frustrated viewing the daily
images of bombing, bodies, destruction of buildings, starvation, and fear engendered
by the genocidal war of the Israeli government on the Palestinian people. We
feel the anguish of Aaron Bushnell, who immolated himself in front of the
Israeli embassy on February 25, 2024. Those of us who lived through the Vietnam
era remember Norman Morrison, a Hoosier, who self-immolated himself in front of
the Pentagon in 1965. Before that, Buddhist Monks had also made the ultimate
sacrifice in the streets of what was then called Saigon in the former South
Vietnam.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">We
know that the United States has great influence over Israel. It has provided $4
billion a year in military aid to Israel since 1979. Currently the Biden
Administration has introduced to Congress a proposal for military supplemental support,
totaling an additional $14 billion to Israel (78 percent of which Israel would
be obliged to be used in purchases from US arms manufacturers).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Military
contracts with arms manufacturers often involve universities. Purdue University
is a case in point. For example, on October 6, 2020 </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Purdue Today</i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> reproduced
an article from a Department of Homeland Security Journal, </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Homeland
Security Today</i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">, announcing a Purdue/Homeland Security research project
involving research on drones for use in Abu Dhabi, the UAE capitol. (The
article has been since been removed from </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Purdue Today</i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">The
article reported that “a group of Purdue University researchers have been
tasked to make sure drones and their systems could operate securely, safely and
efficiently in the United Arab Emirates capital, Abu Dhabi.” It named Purdue
professors in Aeronautical and Astronautics, Computer Science, and Purdue’s
“cybersecurity research and education center” as project
participants. (“Purdue University and Abu Dhabi Work Together on
Cybersecure Drone Swarms”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p><a href="https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2023/12/from-middle-east-to-purdue-university.html"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;">https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2023/12/from-middle-east-to-purdue-university.html</span></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">To
avoid the sense of desperation felt by Aaron Bushnell, Norman Morrison and
others we need to find ways to give voice to our frustration with the ongoing
war on the Gazan people. And it is to our political institutions that our energies
must turn: both to influence public policy and to be able to express our sense
of outrage.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;">As
a political body closest to us, we look to the City Council, and other local
governmental institutions, to reflect our concerns, even though they have
little direct contact with foreign policy decisions. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Along
with satisfying our need to speak out we cannot know what impact our voices can
have. Referring to the Vietnam analogy, hundreds of thousands of voices
articulated in different ways did impact on United States foreign policy in the
1960s and 1970s. And it was through articulation of opposition to that war that
we discovered that our friends and neighbors shared the same views.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">In
addition, as has been reported many city councils have already expressed their
outrage at the war against the war in Gaza and have called for a cease fire:</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: #404040; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">“Reuters compiled data from 70 cities that have passed
Israel-Gaza resolutions or proclamations since Oct. 7, when Hamas militants
killed some 1,200 people in Israel and took 253 hostages, according to Israeli
tallies. They range from major cities like San Francisco to smaller cities such
as Carrboro, North Carolina, and Biden's hometown of Wilmington, Delaware.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-city-councils-increasingly-call-israel-gaza-ceasefire-analysis-shows-2024-01-31/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;">https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-city-councils-increasingly-call-israel-gaza-ceasefire-analysis-shows-2024-01-31/</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">In
my view the West Lafayette City Council needs to endorse a resolution that
includes an immediate permanent cease fire in Gaza, international efforts to
provide social and economic justice for Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank,
and frees all hostages held by combatants in the current war.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-75332830101725187952024-03-04T15:32:00.009-05:002024-03-05T11:25:40.287-05:00ESSAYS ON HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE MIDDLE EAST<p><a href="https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/:b:/r/personal/targ_purdue_edu/Documents/Documents/Essays%20on%20Theory,%20Education%20and%20theWar%20in%20the%20Middle%20East.pdf?csf=1&web=1&e=5wLQgn"> Essays on Theory, Education and theWar in the Middle East.pdf</a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgClKbeC8XW1HPc4w-0cDtLtRpf_Nk3ZJBRk5dzzJIKFtArBTBeBgLo902IZwLCzoHhhxtezMEAGC5S8COtuGLP5X-c-gn3VhXqGx-i8zbguQhqmYJkA21h2vs-NttA2anPMBmWoQBLgC6WDclT53m_e8N3LqOgCfXsPbWuB6q98USf9AprfkGXgqy8mz8" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="1146" data-original-width="1402" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgClKbeC8XW1HPc4w-0cDtLtRpf_Nk3ZJBRk5dzzJIKFtArBTBeBgLo902IZwLCzoHhhxtezMEAGC5S8COtuGLP5X-c-gn3VhXqGx-i8zbguQhqmYJkA21h2vs-NttA2anPMBmWoQBLgC6WDclT53m_e8N3LqOgCfXsPbWuB6q98USf9AprfkGXgqy8mz8" width="294" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-80858365287660304012024-02-28T09:58:00.038-05:002024-03-10T12:37:04.279-04:00THREATS TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM ARE ESCALATING: Indiana, Florida and Everywhere<p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">(<i>"</i></span><a href="https://www.jconline.com/story/news/education/campus/2024/02/26/indiana-senate-bill-202-requires-tenure-reviews-of-faculty-every-5-years/72712649007/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><i>SB
202</i></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><i>,
which was introduced by Sen. Spencer Deery (R-Lafayette), would reform the
tenure process in Indiana to ensure public universities adopt a philosophy of
promoting free speech and "intellectual diversity," which was defined as "multiple, divergent and varied scholarly perspectives on an extensive range of
public policy issues."</i> The Indiana House of Representative voted 67 to 30 in favor
of the bill yesterday. <i>Journal and Courier</i>, February 27, 2024.)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">(<i>“Meanwhile, Kenneth Griffin, a megadonor who gave
Harvard so much money that it named its largest graduate school after him last
year, said at a conference Tuesday that elite universities now produce “whiny
snowflakes” instead of “leaders and problem solvers” because of their excessive
focus on “microaggressions [and] a DEI agenda</i>.” <i>The Boston Globe, </i>January
31, 2024).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
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</v:shape><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"></span></span></a></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span color="windowtext" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><span style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhGwrwUF7aMFJMb7Yz5pe9UkdeYDCXRjS6KDXfW1XXiH4c2JTXKIu-KW_O5WEvG9FoRys_angiFlrDnTEpv-hrMhLKi3DCLECE_vQlT8_Uuee7cNn-1y_tlx5tT8g3tBTSTvEgYMCArFq4Qj9vteaR33Zbaxdxp4Kpixb6EFAVNEMNrRmohgjSnFUScXV0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="273" data-original-width="500" height="175" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgtXYwk7Z9LayEHdiaKqXoXSLYhVHgA1SIhx1bAb5-4XG7HSt_YiIZ2N9t-i_8837tiGtXIoUhPqymy4NZqESaoZXgyoktI7bthNY2WwnHfoKjFCaNMn9d7ZgajomaKmTbtcTn7z0lOTWhYfnZFc2ddf9dUS8o4PvGSghOzIvZIWZb9tmjH1FNwRe1G4CE" width="320" /></a></span></div><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhGwrwUF7aMFJMb7Yz5pe9UkdeYDCXRjS6KDXfW1XXiH4c2JTXKIu-KW_O5WEvG9FoRys_angiFlrDnTEpv-hrMhLKi3DCLECE_vQlT8_Uuee7cNn-1y_tlx5tT8g3tBTSTvEgYMCArFq4Qj9vteaR33Zbaxdxp4Kpixb6EFAVNEMNrRmohgjSnFUScXV0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><br /></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-align: center;"><a href="https://www.bcheights.com/2022/04/07/letter-to-the-editor-resolution-defending-academic-freedom-as-it-relates-to-teaching-about-race-gender-sexuality-and-critical-race-theory/" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Letter
to the Editor: Resolution Defending Academic Freedom As It Relates to Teaching
About Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Critical Race Theory - The Heights
(bcheights.com)</span></a></div></span></span></div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">**************************************************************<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><br />
David Horowitz launched an assault on higher education in 2005, not
too dissimilar to the McCarthyite attacks on higher education in the 1950s. He
and a variety of organizations such as the National Association of Scholars
(NAS) sought to purge higher education of critical thought.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Another round of more sophisticated and highly
resourced attacks on higher education was expanded in the twenty-first century
by the Koch Foundation State Policy Networks (SPN). In this case, state
organizations were created, rightwing politicians were supported for key
administrative posts in universities, particularly university presidencies, and
Boards of Trustees representing huge corporations and banks acted more
assertively to destroy the rich diversity of educational experiences that had
been inspired by the 1960s.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">With the rise of the far-rightwing forces around
former President Trump, combining corporate elites, religious fundamentalists,
extreme free market advocates, and military contractors, the attacks today on
education, K through university, have become fierce.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Now conservative politicians have launched attacks on
education in state houses and the halls of Congress. Critical Race Theory,
rather than being a short-hand description for a body of scholarship, has been
redefined as ideology. Politicians running for office talk about the Civil War
without mentioning slavery as a root cause. Charges of antisemitism are being
used to challenge expressions of intellectual and political points of view on
campuses. Presidents at our most prestigious universities, women and persons of
color, are attacked for defending academic freedom. Other presidents remain
silent as academic freedom is attacked. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">And the Indiana legislature just passed SB 202 which
inserts politicians and appointed Board of Trustees in the processes of
evaluating what faculty teach. Rather than protecting intellectual diversity SB
202 and other such legislation will stifle the intellectual diversity which has
characterized higher education at its best.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The whole edifice of what John Stuart Mill described a
long time ago as “the marketplace of ideas” is under assault. To borrow from a
book title about the 1950s by Marty Jezer, we are returning to a new “Dark
Ages.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">It is time for those who support a higher education
that is rich with discussion and controversy to stand up in defense of freedom of
speech, education, and an educational<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>system that is not influenced by powerful economic and political
interests.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"> <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-79835316329441903792024-02-22T10:55:00.017-05:002024-02-22T11:02:38.460-05:00UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER AND WHY WE MUST WORK TO CHANGE IT<p> Harry Targ</p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmHmoTeoXknvElY7xRTj2nvAtlE9Nw7-3fTs_o6CEn8WmWX4XhfYcEaJn6SQ-XVOr0RInwrHrTWW8qgqeEiPhC3UouxTFcCreqxfA1MZBVl1-nRKEJlv_6k3mMLuv5HpifzZLFIQ081elJ4binFF7U-zW0D-PjMXd2AdWubPO2h41WraSM_bmjxJbXvhI" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="630" data-original-width="420" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhmHmoTeoXknvElY7xRTj2nvAtlE9Nw7-3fTs_o6CEn8WmWX4XhfYcEaJn6SQ-XVOr0RInwrHrTWW8qgqeEiPhC3UouxTFcCreqxfA1MZBVl1-nRKEJlv_6k3mMLuv5HpifzZLFIQ081elJ4binFF7U-zW0D-PjMXd2AdWubPO2h41WraSM_bmjxJbXvhI" width="160" /></a></div><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt;"><a href="https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ/challenging-late-capitalism-neoliberal-globalization-militarism/ebook/product-1z8p584g.html?page=1&pageSize=4">https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ/challenging-late-capitalism-neoliberal-globalization-militarism/ebook/product-1z8p584g.html?page=1&pageSize=4</a><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;">Friends,</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;">In
my opinion VJ Prashad just posted an important statement below (the link is in
two formats). Not only does he address the wasteful military system but he
links it to the IMF and global debt, and the growing gap between the Global
North and South. He also addresses the role that “intellectuals” can play in
alerting the world to the realities of the connections between war, mis- and
under-education, starvation, and global inequality and the international
institutions that have been established to address these issues. Prashad’s
portrait also implies why those who rise up against the imperial and war system
may do so in ways we find uncomfortable.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 16pt;">While we mobilize to influence policy on these issues we should
bring this richer understanding of “why” to activists and politicians.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://thetricontinental.org/newsletterissue/education-peoples-science-movement/?output=pdf">https://thetricontinental.org/newsletterissue/education-peoples-science-movement/?output=pdf</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://thetricontinental.org/newsletterissue/education-peoples-science-movement/">https://thetricontinental.org/newsletterissue/education-peoples-science-movement/</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER AND WHY WE MUST WORK TO CHANGE IT"><o:p></o:p></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p><a href="UNDERSTANDING THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD ORDER AND WHY WE MUST WORK TO CHANGE IT"> </a></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-62384680441069736162024-02-19T16:15:00.057-05:002024-02-19T20:23:12.912-05:00UNIVERSITIES SHOULD BE A PLACE FOR DISCUSSION AND DEBATE: OPPOSE POLITICAL MEDDLING<p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Educational Institutions and Ideological
Hegemony<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">One major element of the maintenance of any political
or economic order is the education of the young in such a way as to give
legitimacy to it. In the 1960s political scientists began to study what they
called “political socialization”: how and what young people learn about the
norms, values, and procedures that govern the maintenance of society. Some
studies found that children begin to accept the virtues of political
institutions, the presidency, the courts, political parties, at very young
ages. What they learn about politics in the home is reinforced and developed in
school systems. Selective presentations of history and the arts is provided by
formal content and repeated rituals, such as the pledge to the flag,
competitive sports, routinized social life such as dances. In addition, as
theorists such as Jim Berlin argued, the educational system not only produces
and reproduces citizenship, but it also reproduces workers, for example giving
young people appropriate skills in language and mathematics. Educational
theorists have pointed out that the character of education develops and changes
as the economy changes, in the US case from small-scale, to industrial, to
monopoly capitalism.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">In addition to adding “socialization” to the language
of analysis, political scientists began to write about “political culture,” or
the values and beliefs that dominate the thinking of most members of a society.
These include ideas about the basic units of society, individuals or
communities for example, the relative importance in the society of cooperation
or conflict, the role of “human nature” and whether war and violence are
“inevitable.” Perhaps most basic in the United States is the
relative acceptance of private property over public goods as a prime value.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">In higher education, curricula usually reinforced and
solidified the dominant ideas of the political culture. Often social science
and humanities disciplines repeated standard paradigms about history, what was
great art and philosophy, and what values should be beyond reproach. From the
1940s to the 1960s, the dominant political culture was tinged with virulent
anticommunism and political and economic elites, powerful corporations, and
state institutions oversaw what was defined as legitimate educational content.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Meanwhile business schools and science and engineering
programs trained young people in the skills necessary to enhance the political
economy. The humanities and social sciences grounded student learning in the
acceptable political culture while the fields, what we call STEM (science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics) trained these same students in the tools of
system maintenance. The former president of the University of California, Clark
Kerr, coined the term “multiversity” to describe the functions of such
institutions in the late twentieth century and he made it clear that the
multiversity was supposed to serve the national security interests of the
United States.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">However, during the 1960s young people became
increasingly engaged in struggles against racism and on campus challenged the escalation of the war
in Vietnam. Many students began to raise
questions about what they were studying and the content of the curriculum. While
some educational institutions became more repressive, as with the shootings of
students at Jackson State and Kent State Universities, increased discourse on
college campuses, sometimes initiated by faculty, was critical of the dominant
political culture and its normal functioning, that is training workers for the
economic machine. The university, to use a workplace metaphor, became
“contested terrain.” <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Renewed Assaults on Higher Education<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Some faculty and students began to criticize the
capitalist system, the war machine, the privatization of the commons, and
histories that seemed to endorse patriarchy and racism. Discussion, debate, and
critical thinking flowered in higher education, But from the vantage point of
those who ruled, ideological hegemony had to be reimposed in the educational
system. As conservative talk show host Rush Limbaugh once proclaimed in the
1990s, “we,’ that is conservatives, control all major institutions except for the
university.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">By the new century politicians, university
administrators, and economic elites sought to reimpose the traditional
political culture by reifying the idea of the market, private over public
goods, and in the world at large, the United States and manifest destiny.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">History and the Arts were being defunded
while college administrators proclaimed that the study of science, technology,
engineering, and mathematics (STEM) were the primary tasks of educational
systems. Major funds for STEM education and research came from huge
corporations, particularly digital, drug, and agricultural corporations, and
the military. And in the spirit of Limbaugh, the Koch Foundation, the
Association of Trustees and Administrators (ACTA), the State Policy Network,
and the Associated Legislative Executive Council (ALEC) worked with state legislatures to reestablish
curricula that Kerr in the past approvingly celebrated in the multiversity. In sum. the
university was redesigned to instill the ideology of the dominant political
culture and to create a twenty-first century work force to serve the needs of monopoly/finance/global
capitalism.</span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">More recently, with the rise of the far-rightwing
forces around former President Trump, combining corporate elites, religious
fundamentalists, extreme free market advocates, and military contractors, the
attacks on education have become fierce. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Now politicians close to such powerful groups launch attacks on education in state houses and the halls of Congress. Critical Race
Theory, rather than being a short-hand description for a body of legal scholarship,
has been redefined as ideology. Politicians running for office talk about the
Civil War without mentioning slavery as a root cause. Charges of antisemitism are being used to challenge expressions of intellectual and political points of
view on campuses. Presidents at our most prestigious universities, women and
persons of color, have been attacked for defending academic freedom. The whole
edifice of what John Stuart Mill described a long time ago as “the marketplace
of ideas” has now come under assault. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Purdue University<a name="_Hlk159229534"><o:p></o:p></a></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk159229534;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">A
prominent Big Ten university, Purdue, has led the process of transforming
itself into a model neoliberal university, in keeping with the Koch Brothers/
ALEC model of education. The transformation of Purdue University has involved
significant changes including privatization of public control of the
institution; moving into the increasingly competitive online education market;
shifting programs away from an educational mix of science, technology, the
social sciences, and humanities to more STEM and less liberal arts; currying
the favor of huge corporations and enlarged Department of Defense contracts;
establishing programs whereby wealthy alumni fund students’ education with
contractual guarantees by which students pay back the alums; and the
establishment at the university of a “country club” ambience to attract
students.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk159229534;"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The
Beginnings of Civic Literacy at Purdue University: Round One in the Fight to Control
Curricula<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></span></p>
<span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk159229534;"></span>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">No one can dispute the value of education about the
nation, the world, and the issues that have and will affect peoples’ lives in
the short-and long-term future. Schools and universities, of course, have
historically been primary venues for disseminating such information. However,
most often politicians have preferred narratives about themselves and others
that they wish to inculcate in the young. But a more desirable form of
information and analysis is one that is diverse, sensitive to one’s own past
and present, and shows respect for narratives and experiences of other peoples
and nations. This kind of “civics” education is complicated and not achieved by
learning isolated facts.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">President Mitch Daniels, Purdue University, in the
spring, 2019, proposed that the university require that each graduating senior
at the university demonstrate a knowledge of what he called “civics.” The
members of the Board of Trustees<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>endorsed the idea and implicitly castigated faculty for not moving
expeditiously to establish a civics certification process for graduating
seniors. But faculty questioned the need for such a certification, what civics
education is, and how to provide for it. Specifically, they asked whether
claims about civics ignorance at Purdue and elsewhere were true. They also
asked whether taking a short-answer test really demonstrated knowledge of the
United States government, its constitution, and the political process. Some
faculty argued that such a need could only be satisfied by at least one course,
perhaps in Political Science or History, that would provide a richer knowledge,
raise competing understandings of the development of the United States
government, and would allow for serious discussions of the strengths and
weaknesses of the American political experience. A ten or twenty item short
answer test, they argued, would not reflect the more subtle and sophisticated
needs of civics education.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Some faculty were puzzled by why, in the context of
the existence of a set of university core requirements already in existence,
this idea of a civics certification emerged. One possible source of the idea of
some kind of civics education was seen in a January 2016 report published by
the American Council of Trustees and Alumni (ACTA), an organization founded by
the State Policy Network, which is tied to the American Legislative Exchange
Council (ALEC) and the Charles and David Koch Foundation. The report called “A
Crisis in Civic Education,” described a survey it sponsored in 2015 that
demonstrated that college graduates and the public in general lacked knowledge
of “our free institutions of government.” It listed examples of some basic
facts about government and history that respondents failed to answer correctly.
These included a lack of understanding of how the constitution could be
amended, which institution had the power to declare war, and who was “the
father of the constitution.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Perhaps ACTA’s underlying concern was suggested by a
quote in the preface of the document attributed to Louise Mirrer, President of
the New York Historical Society, who received an ACTA award in 2014 “for
Outstanding Contributions to Liberal Arts Education.” She said that in the
contemporary world of conflicts between religious, ethnic and racial groups,
Americans need to be reminded of US history “…especially as that
history conveys our nation’s stunning successful recipe, based on the
documents of our founding, for an inclusive and tolerant society.” (Apparently,
she forgot the limitations on the rights of Blacks, women and those without
property to vote in “the documents of our founding.”) In
addition, the report took aim at community service programs, which it asserted
“…give students little insight into how our system of government works and what
roles they must fill as citizens of a democratic republic.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">It is clear, therefore, that what the ACTA report (and
one could reasonably assume what motivated the recommendation of former President
Daniels, himself an award recipient from ACTA), and the Purdue Board of
Trustees regards as civics education was a narrative that celebrates the
American experience. These sources presumed that specific facts about the
Constitution and the Founding Fathers and basic truisms about the United States
as a “melting pot” constituted civics education. Although civics education is
surely a desirable goal of education at every level, K through college, it
requires moving beyond memorizing basic facts to more subtle examinations about
the American experience, including exposing students to debates about how and
why that experience has unfolded in the way that it has.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Key Provisions of the 2024 Indiana Senate
Bill SB 202: Continuing Efforts to Control University Curricula<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">It
is interesting to note that Indiana State Senator Spencer Deery who introduced
Senate Bill 202 in January 2024 defended the bill by suggesting that distrust
in higher education has increased. While this claim is of dubious merit and has
come from politically conservative places such as ALEC and so-called
“think tanks,” many citizens on and off campus are skeptical of ill-placed and
self-interested investments in the privatization of higher education,
collaborating with real estate and military contractors, and working to expunge
from curricula any courses that promote critical thinking.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">To minimize debates, discussion, and critical thinking about the great issues of our time in public universities SB
202 was introduced. It includes a number of provisions that are designed to eliminate discussions of controversial subjects on college campuses by threatening the job security, or tenure, of faculty. The provisions of SB 202 include the following:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">“1.Establish a process where university trustees
evaluate faculty up for tenure – a status that gives professors indefinite job
security in most cases – or promotion with “criteria related to free inquiry,
free expression and intellectual diversity.” <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">2.Require trustees to review a faculty member’s
tenure status every five years. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">3.Require state universities to establish procedures
that allow students and employees to submit complaints that a faculty member
isn’t meeting certain criteria related to free inquiry, free expression and
intellectual diversity.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">4. Require trustees to adopt a “policy of neutrality”
that limits universities from taking official positions on “political, moral or
ideological issues.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">5.Allow the Indiana House Speaker and Indiana Senate
president to appoint a trustee to a university’s board. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">6.Make universities account for spending on diversity,
equity and inclusion efforts on campus and add to those programs to include
“intellectual diversity.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Dave Bangert, <a href="https://www.basedinlafayette.com/p/deery-defends-tenure-reform-bill?utm_source=substack&utm_medium=email"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Deery
defends tenure reform bill as blowback grows at Purdue, IU
(basedinlafayette.com)</span></i></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"> <o:p></o:p></span></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><a href="https://www.basedinlafayette.com/p/deery-defends-tenure-reform-bill">https://www.basedinlafayette.com/p/deery-defends-tenure-reform-bill</a></span></i><span class="MsoHyperlink"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Conclusion<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Just as academic critics of child labor, anti-union
policies, World War I, and financial speculation a hundred years ago faced
censure and unemployment, universities are being pressured to circumscribe
accepted debates. While the higher-education system has extended academic
freedom and provided job security for some through tenure, attacks on these
provisions are spreading as the twenty-first century reconstruction of American
higher education </span><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/03/the-death-of-american-universities/"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">proceeds</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">. From
Florida to Indiana (the current SB 202 bill in the Indiana legislature would
circumscribe tenure and what is taught in the classroom), politicians and many
university administrators are committed to destroying the academic freedom, and
the free exchange of ideas, that has made universities in recent times a haven for the pursuit
of knowledge useful for the advancement of society<span style="background: rgb(255, 249, 238); color: black;">.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="background: rgb(255, 249, 238); color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ-and-daniel-morris/from-upton-sinclairs-goose-step-to-the-neoliberal-university/paperback/product-vzdwyk.html?page=1&pageSize=4"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ-and-daniel-morris/from-upton-sinclairs-goose-step-to-the-neoliberal-university/paperback/product-vzdwyk.html?page=1&pageSize=4</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-74675635789647030172024-02-16T11:11:00.006-05:002024-02-16T11:14:23.732-05:00WHO RULES THE UNIVERSITY?<p> <span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><a href="https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/releases/2024/Q1/purdue-university-receives-100-million-commitment-from-lilly-endowment.html" target="_blank" title="https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/releases/2024/Q1/purdue-university-receives-100-million-commitment-from-lilly-endowment.html"><i><span style="color: #003891; font-family: "Georgia",serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Purdue University announced</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> on Tuesday that Lilly Endowment is giving it grants totaling $100 million for two separate university initiatives. The commitment represents the largest private gift in Purdue’s history.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><i>The grant includes $50 million to support the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business and $50 million for Purdue Computes, an initiative that focuses on computing, artificial intelligence and semiconductors.</i><br /><br /><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaeltnietzel/2024/01/10/lilly-endowment-grants-100-million-to-purdue-university-its-largest-gift-ever/?sh=3dd917cb3566">https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaeltnietzel/2024/01/10/lilly-endowment-grants-100-million-to-purdue-university-its-largest-gift-ever/?sh=3dd917cb3566</a><div><br /></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi8F2_8Cso9duWO9pBAMAFgfRdbTPimOpU4iXzPZ-Qbu80IwF7RiILEZid8rZ_hLjB9a6RWfmyCAwPXFD099nMe88hWHZH7IkfmFjegoS5T0KQWP6DToR4rARKaYAcw4EFMg5N2gbjoyF4eFQa6g8ZciVQe_YRBVBw2JSCjYMoFriMetBwVBqOKHoOQf4A" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="495" data-original-width="372" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi8F2_8Cso9duWO9pBAMAFgfRdbTPimOpU4iXzPZ-Qbu80IwF7RiILEZid8rZ_hLjB9a6RWfmyCAwPXFD099nMe88hWHZH7IkfmFjegoS5T0KQWP6DToR4rARKaYAcw4EFMg5N2gbjoyF4eFQa6g8ZciVQe_YRBVBw2JSCjYMoFriMetBwVBqOKHoOQf4A" width="180" /></a></div><br /><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The modern university system in the US </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Universities_and_the_Capitalist_State.html?id=QVfDQgAACAAJ"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">developed</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> at </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">the turn of the twentieth century, as capitalism bounced back after a string of deep recessions.</span></div><div><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Mergers created an economic system in which a few hundred corporations and banks dominated the entire economy. Interlocking directorates birthed a system of financial speculation and concentrated wealth. The government enacted pro-corporate and pro-banking regulations, allocated tax and other benefits to the wealthy and powerful, and used repression — as when President Grover Cleveland deployed the army to break the </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1029.html"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">1894 Pullman strike</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">— on capitalists’ behalf.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">During this period, higher education, which had been dominated by theological pursuits, refashioned itself to serve the modern economy. Corporations needed workers with scientific and technical knowledge, so educational institutions were established that could produce credentialed graduates.</span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"></span><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shapetype
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Young people learned about the benefits of free-market economies, the United States’ long tradition of democratic institutions, and the glories of Manifest Destiny, which justified the American conquest of not only </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/11/americas-founding-myths/"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">North America</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">,</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> but the Philippine Islands, Cuba, and Central and South America.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">As Clyde Barrow documents in </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Universities_and_the_Capitalist_State.html?id=QVfDQgAACAAJ"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">Universities and the Capitalist State</span></i></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">, </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">members of university boards of trustees came largely from corporations, banks, and law firms that served big business. In the Midwest and South, trustees who represented regional manufacturing and finance capital ran the universities. Their outlook paralleled the administrators at the Northeast’s major universities. Few representatives of non-elite groups, like labor unions, were ever selected to serve on these boards.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Trustees established an administrative class that both oversaw the university’s day-to-day operations and managed the faculty, who produced the school’s key commodities: education and research. They adopted managerial procedures to control mental labor in the </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2013/04/the-industrial-classroom"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">classroom</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> and the laboratory and institutionalized metrics that measured enrollment, publications, and university rankings to evaluate productivity.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Federal and state governments, as well as nonprofit organizations, stepped in to fund a national university system designed to serve the interests of twentieth-century capitalism. Major foundations generated studies, conducted surveys, and made recommendations that influenced both public and private universities’ policies.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Crises, from the depressions of the late nineteenth century to World War I, sparked critical analyses from some professors. Frequently, faculty faced discipline or even termination for challenging the economic system or the state. The university’s educational mission was to serve elites and the state, not provide a venue for debating important social issues.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Fast forward to today. The capitalist class has further consolidated its power in higher education since the Great Recession of 2008, the Occupy Movement of 2011, the protests around police violence in 2014, and in response to the police murdering of George Floyd in 2020. Today campuses are alive with debate about Israel’s war on Gaza and political influentials are seeking to squelch that debate.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Boards of trustees and their advisers in think tanks and political organizations have used economic and political shocks to demand greater control over and efficiency in the production and teaching of knowledge. Economically programs that are not justified as good “investments” have become vulnerable to termination. Humanities programs now have to prove their utility to the STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) to survive. And, with the war in the Middle East, politicians, trustees, and administrators are once again interfering in the educational processes of the university. (The similarities with the McCarthyite period of the 1940s and 1950s are chilling).</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Finally, just as academic critics of child labor, anti-union policies, World War I, and financial speculation a hundred years ago faced censure and unemployment, universities are being pressured to circumscribe accepted debates. While the higher-education system has extended academic freedom and provided job security for some through tenure, attacks on these provisions are spreading as the twenty-first century reconstruction of American higher education </span><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/03/the-death-of-american-universities/"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration-line: none; text-underline: none;">proceeds</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-underline: none;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From Florida to Indiana (the current SB 202 bill in the Indiana legislature would circumscribe tenure and what is taught in the classroom), politicians are committed to destroying the academic freedom, and the free exchange of ideas, that has made universities a haven for the pursuit of knowledge useful for the advancement of humanity.<o:p></o:p></span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-underline: none;"> </span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
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</v:shape><![endif]--></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiUwc6HGxGpUFCGSQjB0tn332n9BIWSf6Y-pqEf9dyZ9f8mBytedEbzA1HKXbhlJ9RHFYllauu1rb4SJh1TJ0GXxvjKlKVK-JRPOnyrH-V7AtzA6KOWAAUI2i7vRPIwyLartfM_1-KTDsd37Hl7bZkH1AJnJH6NW2GIYqV0Gu4jOHoHNGYeZai23Y1LEV4" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="586" data-original-width="391" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiUwc6HGxGpUFCGSQjB0tn332n9BIWSf6Y-pqEf9dyZ9f8mBytedEbzA1HKXbhlJ9RHFYllauu1rb4SJh1TJ0GXxvjKlKVK-JRPOnyrH-V7AtzA6KOWAAUI2i7vRPIwyLartfM_1-KTDsd37Hl7bZkH1AJnJH6NW2GIYqV0Gu4jOHoHNGYeZai23Y1LEV4" width="160" /></a></span></div><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><a href="https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ-and-daniel-morris/from-upton-sinclairs-goose-step-to-the-neoliberal-university/paperback/product-vzdwyk.html?page=1&pageSize=4">https://www.lulu.com/shop/harry-targ-and-daniel-morris/from-upton-sinclairs-goose-step-to-the-neoliberal-university/paperback/product-vzdwyk.html?page=1&pageSize=4</a></span><div><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><br /></span><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span><p></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 22.6133px; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> </span></span></p></div></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-71719322715474506992024-02-15T14:19:00.036-05:002024-02-16T11:07:31.018-05:00TRUST IN HIGHER EDUCATION: THE PURDUE EXAMPLE<p> Harry Targ</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>I<b>t is interesting to note that Indiana State Senator Spencer
Deery who introduced Senate Bill 202 defends the bill by suggesting that
distrust in higher education has increased. While this claim is of dubious
merit and has come from politically conservative places such as ALEC and
so-called “think tanks,” many citizens on and off campus are skeptical of
ill-placed and self-interested investments in the privatization of higher
education, collaborating with real estate and military contractors, and working
to expunge from curricula any courses that promote critical thinking.</b></i></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i><o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><a href="https://jacobin.com/2017/06/purdue-university-kaplan-privatization-austerity">https://jacobin.com/2017/06/purdue-university-kaplan-privatization-austerity</a><o:p></o:p></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><b>No better reason for skepticism about Purdue University can
be found than in the recent Forbes magazine article, see below, indicating that
Purdue Global, a relatively new venture, is indebted by about $128 million.
<o:p></o:p></b></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i>The Forbes article and a summary of SB202 by Dave Bangert are
added below for more in depth reading.</i><o:p></o:p></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b><i>*******************************************************************************</i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: medium;"><i>Forbes</i></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Purdue Global Owes $128 Million To Its For-Profit Partner.
It May Not Be Able To Pay.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereknewton/">Derek
Newton</a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereknewton/2023/12/17/purdue-global-owes-128-million-to-its-for-profit-partner-it-may-not-be-able-to-pay/?sh=42a234d79986">https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereknewton/2023/12/17/purdue-global-owes-128-million-to-its-for-profit-partner-it-may-not-be-able-to-pay/?sh=42a234d79986</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Nearly seven years ago, one of the <a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereknewton/2019/08/31/early-troubles-in-the-purdue-kaplan-marriage/?sh=536c2d0670d6" target="_self" title="https://www.forbes.com/sites/dereknewton/2019/08/31/early-troubles-in-the-purdue-kaplan-marriage/?sh=536c2d0670d6">oddest
and most confusing education rearrangements became arranged</a> – the sale
of for-profit, mostly online, Kaplan University to the public, land-grant
Purdue University. The resulting institution is Purdue Global, the online
sister of the Indiana flagship.</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">There have been other similar deals in which a for-profit,
online college was sold to or consumed by a public school. For example, the
University of Arizona, <a href="https://www.uagc.edu/success/ashford-uagc-v5?sourceid=18SGT&affiliateID=&clickid=Cj0KCQiAj_CrBhD-ARIsAIiMxT_-ejq_T6c9A5Z4BdFKyP7Fzzh_I1E3H6HsK8E4jLAzNQwy2VlOEUgaAooKEALw_wcB&utm_source=GOOGLE&utm_medium=paid_search&utm_campaign=%5Badv:UAGC%5D%5Bchn:PPC%5D%5Bplt:GOO%5D%5Btgt:BD%5D%5Bini:Ashford+Branded%5D%5Bdeg:TRADENAME%5D%5Bfun:CON%5D%5Bopt:CVN%5D%5Bcou:US%5D%5Blng:EN%5D%5Bstr:PROS%5D%5Bfmt:SRCH%5D&utm_vendor=&utm_content=kwd-785592365&utm_term=ashford%20university&alr=20144056704&adgroup=146043902341&ad=658783399408&match=e&device=c&c3api=2591,146043902341,kwd-785592365&&sourceid=18SGT&dsaccountid=700000002770196&dsaccounttype=GOOGLE&gad_source=1&gclid=Cj0KCQiAj_CrBhD-ARIsAIiMxT_-ejq_T6c9A5Z4BdFKyP7Fzzh_I1E3H6HsK8E4jLAzNQwy2VlOEUgaAooKEALw_wcB&gclsrc=aw.ds" target="_blank" title="https://www.uagc.edu/success/ashford-uagc-v5?sourceid=18SGT&affiliateID=&clickid=Cj0KCQiAj_CrBhD-ARIsAIiMxT_-ejq_T6c9A5Z4BdFKyP7Fzzh_I1E3H6HsK8E4jLAzNQwy2VlOEUgaAooKEALw_wcB&utm_source=GOOGLE&utm_medium=paid_search&utm_campaign=%5Badv:UAGC%5D%5Bchn:PPC%5D">bought
for-profit Ashford University</a>. And the University of Idaho is
finalizing <a href="https://www.uidaho.edu/president/university-of-phoenix-affiliation" target="_blank" title="https://www.uidaho.edu/president/university-of-phoenix-affiliation">a
deal to buy the for-profit University of Phoenix</a>.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Usually in these deals, as was the case with Purdue and
Kaplan, the school is sold for a token amount – Purdue paid $1 – but the
selling, for-profit company is then hired on a long-term contract to provide
support, infrastructure, and marketing services to the school. Those deals
usually include a revenue-share provision in which the seller and new manager
takes a share of the tuition revenue. In the Kaplan sale, Kaplan’s contract
provides them with 12.5% of the school’s proceeds, plus fixed payments for services.
In practice, the deals are very similar to the arrangements of online program
management (OPM) companies which have fallen under <a href="https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/investigations/2023/11/17/2-u-ceo-chip-paucek-usc/71619849007/" target="_blank" title="https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/investigations/2023/11/17/2-u-ceo-chip-paucek-usc/71619849007/">recent
heavy scrutiny and market pressures</a>.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Generally, the Purdue Global management agreement has
avoided that spotlight. But according to recent financial reports and filings
from Purdue University and from Graham Holdings Company (GHC), the parent
company of Kaplan Higher Education, the market pressures that are roiling OPM
businesses may be squeezing both Purdue Global and Kaplan.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">According to Graham Holdings Company’s <a href="https://www.sec.gov/ix?doc=/Archives/edgar/data/104889/000010488923000064/ghc-20230930.htm" target="_blank" title="https://www.sec.gov/ix?doc=/Archives/edgar/data/104889/000010488923000064/ghc-20230930.htm">recent
SEC filing</a>, Purdue Global owes it a ton of money. “As of September 30,
2023, Kaplan had a total outstanding accounts receivable balance of $127.8
million from Purdue Global related to amounts due for reimbursements for
services, fees earned and a deferred fee,” GHC told the SEC.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">It’s a bill that, according to the rules that established
Purdue Global, neither Purdue University nor the taxpayers of Indiana can pay.
They are not allowed to cover Purdue Global’s debts and losses.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But the real problem is that it’s a bill that Purdue Global
probably can’t pay either. According to <a href="https://www.purdue.edu/treasurer/finance/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/FY-2023-Annual-Financial-Report.pdf" target="_blank" title="https://www.purdue.edu/treasurer/finance/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/FY-2023-Annual-Financial-Report.pdf">the
most recent annual report from Purdue University</a>, Purdue Global simply does
not have the money.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Purdue Global, the report says, had a “net operating
revenue” loss of $95 million, it has about $142 million in current
liabilities, and, according to the report from Purdue, “Cash and Cash
Equivalents at Purdue Global consist of funds held in checking, savings, and
money market accounts. Balances, excluding money market funds, at June 30, 2023
and 2022 were approximately $2,600,000 and $300,000, respectively.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">For comparison, the same report says of Purdue University,
“the bank balance of the University’s deposits (demand deposit accounts) as of
June 30, 2023 and 2022, was approximately $103,888,000 and $87,338,000,
respectively.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">A spokesperson for Kaplan noted that the “net operating
revenue” loss of $95 million reported by Purdue does not include non-operating
revenue, which he said was about $88 million. Though this would still create a
situation in which, according to Kaplan’s spokesperson, “the loss was $7.5
million.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The same Purdue report shows that Purdue Global has a net
negative financial position of $38.8 million, despite reporting cuts in
spending and despite a reported 5% increase in enrollments at Purdue
Global, according to the GHC document.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The position of Purdue Global and the size of the debt may
make it unrecoverable, a reality GHC told its shareholders. “The Company will
continue to assess the collectability of the fee with Purdue Global on a
quarterly basis to make a determination as to whether to record all or part of
the fee in the future,” GHC wrote.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Back in 2017, when the deal was announced, many celebratory
forecasts and predictions were made. None of them involved Purdue Global losing
money and defaulting on its debt. For former Purdue President Mitch Daniels,
who invested his and Purdue’s reputation on the success of this venture, the
upside-down finances and unpaid debt aren’t flattering.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“Purdue Global continues to struggle financially, unable to
pay its bills to Kaplan,” said Dahn Shaulis, Editor of the <a href="https://www.highereducationinquirer.org/" target="_blank" title="https://www.highereducationinquirer.org/">Higher Education Inquirer</a> and
early skeptic of the Purdue Global arrangement. “It hasn't been the money maker
that Mitch Daniels thought,” he said.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Asked to confirm or comment on the debt to Kaplan, a
spokesperson for the Purdue first directed the question back to Kaplan and GHC
but later said, “In the normal course of our business, we owe money to lots of
vendors, including Kaplan.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Jerry Dervin, Chief Financial Officer of Kaplan North
America, disputed the characterizations of the financial position of Purdue
Global. Dervin wrote, in part, “the Purdue Global-Kaplan relationship calls for
PG to reimburse Kaplan for its expenses incurred on behalf of PG. Sometimes the
outstanding payable is at a seasonal high (as it was at September 30, the
highest period of the year), and sometimes it’s at a seasonal low. But
throughout the relationship the reimbursement of expenses by PG to Kaplan and
all its other providers has always been made, in full, as a matter of course
out of the cash flow of the institution.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“Purdue Global has cut costs by closing campuses, campuses
that provided value to consumers. The problem now is how can they cut costs
even more?” Shaulis asked.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">But if the school has a $128 million bill that it cannot pay
even after cutting cost and growing enrollment, it’s not a
sure thing that cutting its way out of debt will work. Or whether that’s even
the best plan. Educationally, cheaper is not better.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Dervin also wrote, “from the onset of its formation, Purdue
and Kaplan have been aligned in investing in Purdue Global’s mission to serve
adult learners, veterans, first generation students, all from different
backgrounds. PG has increased its investment in academic, student support and
awareness with a goal of building a long-enduring institution that delivers
quality outcomes for students and stakeholders.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">However Purdue Global and Kaplan square their debts and
receivables, the issues may run deeper. It may be that recycling, repainting,
and rebranding a subprime for-profit college may simply be a financial anchor
instead of the lifeline some believed it to be.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The University of Arizona, for example, is mired in a public
financial crisis where the University of Arizona Global Campus, the product of
Arizona’s purchase of for-profit Ashford University, recently reported an $18.5
million operating deficit – a bill the university itself will have to pay. And
while it’s not clear at all what caused Arizona to fall short in its budget
projections by some $250 million, more than a few suspect that outsized
investments in Arizona Global Campus/Ashford have been major contributors to
the debacle.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Even if that turns out not to be true, it is true that both
Arizona Global Campus and Purdue Global are losing money.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“The issues with Purdue Global, along with the Arizona
Global mess, should serve as a cautionary tale for Idaho, with its pending
acquisition of University of Phoenix,” Shaulis said.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Critics can and will say whatever they please about the
University of Idaho merger with the University of Phoenix. But if it does not
turn out as promised, no will be able to say it was a surprise.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Updated, Dec. 20: This article has been updated with
comments by the chief financial officer of Kaplan, Jerry Dervin, who sent an
email after the article was initially published. His comments have been added.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Updated, Dec 21, 22: A full description of the account
balances at Purdue University and Purdue Global, as well as a more context
regarding its operational losses, as provided in the University’s annual
report, were added for further clarity.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">***********************************************************************************<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.basedinlafayette.com/">Based in
Lafayette, Indiana</a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: medium;">Deery defends tenure reform bill as blowback grows at
Purdue, IU<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://substack.com/@davebangert"><span style="font-size: medium;">DAVE BANGERT</span></a><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">FEB 14, 2024<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">After Indiana University President Pamela Whitten cast doubt
on a sweeping bill aimed at countering negative connotations about higher
education, particularly among conservatives, state Sen. Spencer Deery took a
swing back this week, defending a measure he authored.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Whitten, in a statement released last week, said Senate Bill
202 – one that reforms the faculty tenure rules on state campuses and gives
General Assembly leaders more control over the makeup of university boards of
trustees – “risks unintended consequences that threaten not just the stature of
Indiana University, but the economic and cultural vitality of the state.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Deery, a West Lafayette Republican who was part of Mitch
Daniels’ staff at Purdue, said Whitten is bowing to faculty and proving a point
behind the bill.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“In a single statement,” Deery said, “President Whitten has
highlighted for all Hoosiers the failure of leadership that has led to the
decline in trust and support for American universities.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Meanwhile, the University Senate at Purdue is scheduled
Monday to discuss a resolution that stands against Senate Bill 202 as a measure
that would turn tenure into “a political weapon to leverage” and a snitching
culture built on “an atmosphere of suspicion and mistrust on university
campuses.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">The bill, which <a href="https://indianacapitalchronicle.com/2024/02/07/conservative-friendly-higher-education-legislation-clears-senate/">cleared
the Indiana Senate last week on a 39-9 vote</a>, will get a hearing in the
House Education committee at 10:30 a.m. Wednesday (Feb. 14). (To watch the
livestream of the hearing, <a href="https://iga.in.gov/session/2024/video/livestreams/meeting/dab689eb-a090-4348-8679-4ee4094df7b2">here’s
a link</a>.) Efforts to rally faculty members from Purdue and other
universities to testify were going on early this week.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“It’s breathtaking in its overreach,” Alice Pawley, a
professor in Purdue’s School of Engineering Education, said of Deery’s bill.
“It’s troubling that something like this is coming from someone with so much
experience on our campus. … This is a disaster waiting to happen for Purdue and
disaster for our state’s universities.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Here’s where things stood on SB 202, heading into that
hearing.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>What’s driving/what’s in the bill</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Deery said the bill was prompted by what he called “the
hyper-politicalization and monolithic thinking of American higher education
institutions.” He’s pointed to a series of national commentators –
including <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2023/10/10/tenure-paralyze-higher-education/">Daniels,
who hasn’t been shy about his problems with the tenure system</a> –
national polling and recent state-compelled surveys of students on Indiana’s
campuses.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">A 2022 Gallup survey, <a href="https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/releases/2022/Q2/undergraduate-students-should-expect-emailed-gallup-survey-on-free-speech-participation-encouraged.html">commissioned
to satisfy a General Assembly measure</a>, found that of the students who
responded, 46% of students who identified as politically conservative
considered they could openly express their opinions in classrooms and on
campus, compared to 79% of those who said they were liberal. That same poll, when
asking Purdue students about classes related to “political, historical or
cultural topics,” found that 7% of liberal students said their professors
discourage them from sharing political or social views, while the number was
21% for students who considered themselves conservative.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2Fb6473393-d6a5-410c-acd5-e66f71d18b7e_6016x4016.jpeg" target="_blank"><o:p></o:p></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Deery contends those views are keeping some students and
their families from considering college.</p><p class="MsoNormal"><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Among its provisions, Senate Bill 202 would:</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Establish a process where university trustees evaluate
faculty up for tenure – a status that gives professors indefinite job security
in most cases – or promotion with “criteria related to free inquiry, free
expression and intellectual diversity.” During Senate debate, critics derided
the measure as an effort to kill tenure and make it easier to fire faculty
members. Deery contends the measure would codify tenure and protect faculty
“against retaliation for the content of their research, for criticism of university
leadership or for sharing political views outside the classroom.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Requires trustees to review a faculty member’s tenure status
every five years. Deery said some U.S. universities already do five-year
reviews. He said SB 202 gives trustees “a little bit of a prod and cover … to
make sure it’s still working.” Deery said one intent is to flag faculty members
pushing political view in the classroom that are unrelated to the professor’s
expertise. Deery said he sees those reviews going through a similar process,
sending 20% of the tenured faculty a year through a post-tenure review that
eventually lands with the trustees to ratify. Purdue lists 1,973 tenured and
tenure track faculty on the West Lafayette campus.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Requires state universities to establish procedures that
allow students and employees to submit complaints that a faculty member isn’t
meeting certain criteria related to free inquiry, free expression and
intellectual diversity.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Requires trustees to adopt a “policy of neutrality” that
limits universities from making official positions on “political, moral or
ideological issues.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Allows the Indiana House Speaker and Indiana Senate
president to appoint a trustee to a university’s board. Those would replace
selections made by alumni boards and ratified by the governor. Deery said there
was a move in the General Assembly looking to do something similar, only adding
two trustees to university boards. He said this was a compromise when drafting
the bill. “I heard from colleagues who said, ‘You know, we spend a lot of money
on higher education. We want to have a legislative voice in who we appoint in
doing so,’” Deery said.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Make universities account for spending on diversity, equity
and inclusion efforts on campus and add to those programs to include
“intellectual diversity.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“This isn’t revolutionary,” Deery said. “This is an
opportunity to say that you may not like the institution of higher education as
a whole, but in Indiana we do things differently.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Is it perception or reality, what he reports from the
surveys and polls? In other words, is he fixing a real problem or changing
structures as a means of applying salve to people’s feelings, no matter how
they come by them?<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“Ultimately, both matter if it's keeping somebody from
enrolling in higher ed, whether it's perception or reality,” Deery said. “I
don’t believe that you can fully dismiss them as just being perception. I do
think that there are some who feel like it's maybe worse than it is or fear
that it's worse than it is. But most of the people that are telling me that
it's not an issue are not people who have ever been a conservative on a college
campus. And you don't need to go very far to talk to conservatives on college
campuses to understand that this is more than just perception.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>Pushback among Purdue faculty</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">On Monday afternoon, the University Senate will
consider <a href="https://www.purdue.edu/senate/documents/meetings/Senate-Document-23-23-Regarding-IN-SB-202.pdf">a
resolution that rejects Senate Bill 202</a>. The proposed measure calls the
bill vague, unnecessarily threatens current tenure process, adds new layers of
bureaucracy on campus and “while claiming to stand for intellectual diversity …
would constitute a significant reduction in academic freedom.” The proposal
calls on Purdue administrators to condemn Senate Bill 202 and the General
Assembly to back away.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“The bill says it’s for academic freedom, but it’s the
opposite,” Pawley, a University Senate member, said. “It says institutions need
to create a new process for students to be able to report faculty or employees
for violations of protections of freedom of speech, freedom of expression or
intellectual diversity. That's the thought police. It’s Orwellian.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Pawley said the bill stands on vague concepts of
intellectual diversity that would be judged by trustees who would be
increasingly politicized, given the new appointments by the General Assembly.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“I'm sure he thinks that he's targeting the humanities
professors who talk, say, about critical race theory and Marxism, but he's also
targeting business faculty who are teaching about capitalism, who all of a
sudden will have to start talking about socialism,” Pawley said. “It's not
specified, so it will cut both ways.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Stephanie Masta is an associate professor in Purdue’s
College of Education and was on the committee that drafted the proposed
University Senate statement.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Masta said the <a href="https://www.in.gov/che/files/Campus-Free-Speech-Report.pdf">Indiana
Campus Free Speech Report 2023</a>, the survey Deery used to justify the bill,
had 18,559 students respond statewide. That survey went to more than 300,000
full-time undergraduate students at all Indiana public institutions, including
part-time students at Vincennes University and Ivy Tech Community College,
according to the report. That’s roughly a 6% return rate.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“Bills like these are a coordinated, national effort to
eliminate diversity, equity and inclusion efforts in colleges and
universities,” Masta said. “SB202 is vague and open to a great deal of
interpretation, making it easy for politicians to weaponize against faculty and
staff. Their goal is often to create a ‘chilling effect" where faculty,
staff and students will start to self-censor rather than risk their actions
being misinterpreted by a review committee.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b>What the universities say</b><o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Purdue President Mung Chiang and other administrators
haven’t publicly taken a position on SB 202. “As this bill goes through the
legislative process, we are working to fully understand its details,” Tim Doty,
a university spokesman, said.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Whitten released a statement last week, aimed at what she
called “unintended consequences” embedded in the bill’s language:<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“While we are still analyzing the broad potential impacts of
SB 202, we are deeply concerned about language regarding faculty tenure
that would put academic freedom at risk, weaken the intellectual rigor
essential to preparing students with critical thinking skills, and damage our
ability to compete for the world-class faculty who are at the core of what
makes IU an extraordinary research institution.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“We all share the common goal to maximize the university's
capacity to make scientific breakthroughs, attract talented students and
faculty, drive economic development and create better outcomes for all
Hoosiers. As crafted, my concern is that SB 202 risks unintended consequences
that threaten not just the stature of Indiana University, but the economic and
cultural vitality of the state.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">Deery said this week that he’d been working on the bill and
sharing drafts with higher education leaders across the state for months.<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">“This bill is not a surprise to any institution,” Deery
said. “It’s telling that the first time the school’s leaders elected to
characterize the bill in that way was through the media and in response to
pressure from a faculty advocacy group that wants the school to continue to
operate in a way that leads to its decline. … IU’s leadership also knows that
post-tenure reviews are common in higher education and that without them, some
tenured faculty stop meeting basic performance expectations and waste tuition
dollars.”<o:p></o:p></p>
<br />
<div align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;">
<hr align="center" size="1" width="100%" />
</div>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://substackcdn.com/image/fetch/f_auto,q_auto:good,fl_progressive:steep/https%3A%2F%2Fsubstack-post-media.s3.amazonaws.com%2Fpublic%2Fimages%2F756e0180-dcd0-42e8-81e1-1205b4b3c03d_2837x2359.jpeg" target="_blank"><o:p></o:p></a></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><o:p> </o:p></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-91684371599163935422024-02-10T20:24:00.047-05:002024-02-16T11:10:55.111-05:00The Ivory Tower’s Capitalist Roots<p> <span face="Arial, sans-serif" style="background-color: font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;"><a href="https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/releases/2024/Q1/purdue-university-receives-100-million-commitment-from-lilly-endowment.html" target="_blank" title="https://www.purdue.edu/newsroom/releases/2024/Q1/purdue-university-receives-100-million-commitment-from-lilly-endowment.html"><i><span style="color: #003891; font-family: "Georgia",serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Purdue University announced</span></i></a><i><span style="font-family: "Georgia",serif; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> on
Tuesday that Lilly Endowment is giving it grants totaling $100 million for two
separate university initiatives. The commitment represents the largest private
gift in Purdue’s history.<o:p></o:p></span></i></p><i>The grant includes $50 million to support the Mitchell E. Daniels, Jr. School of Business and $50 million for Purdue Computes, an initiative that focuses on computing, artificial intelligence and semiconductors.</i><br /><br /><a href="https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaeltnietzel/2024/01/10/lilly-endowment-grants-100-million-to-purdue-university-its-largest-gift-ever/?sh=3dd917cb3566">https://www.forbes.com/sites/michaeltnietzel/2024/01/10/lilly-endowment-grants-100-million-to-purdue-university-its-largest-gift-ever/?sh=3dd917cb3566</a>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The modern university system in the
US </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Universities_and_the_Capitalist_State.html?id=QVfDQgAACAAJ"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">developed</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> at </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">the turn of
the twentieth century, as capitalism bounced back after a string of deep
recessions.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Mergers created an economic system in
which a few hundred corporations and banks dominated the entire economy.
Interlocking directorates birthed a system of financial speculation and
concentrated wealth. The government enacted pro-corporate and pro-banking
regulations, allocated tax and other benefits to the wealthy and powerful, and
used repression — as when President Grover Cleveland deployed the army to
break the </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/1029.html"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">1894 Pullman
strike</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">—
on capitalists’ behalf.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">During this period, higher education,
which had been dominated by theological pursuits, refashioned itself to serve
the modern economy. Corporations needed workers with scientific and technical
knowledge, so educational institutions were established that could produce
credentialed graduates.</span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"> </span><span style="mso-no-proof: yes;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
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</v:shape><![endif]--></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiLcIBRMKDyrbeSBUC_skfqp2yOTVGfgJAB8WFk068C3ttuqpct2PPHua2Jmc_h4qJYQL7pvG89ogB-DwxL7wTHV0ZnYVkwn35scIDg2avGJ_C3H0crM1tvwZ3SIqSYm9OUyV-qvcAaGo06XJJDhP86OV3LNB9aEObZXQI67pOZUxZQ0nD5DY2r_en1YYA" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="465" data-original-width="298" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiLcIBRMKDyrbeSBUC_skfqp2yOTVGfgJAB8WFk068C3ttuqpct2PPHua2Jmc_h4qJYQL7pvG89ogB-DwxL7wTHV0ZnYVkwn35scIDg2avGJ_C3H0crM1tvwZ3SIqSYm9OUyV-qvcAaGo06XJJDhP86OV3LNB9aEObZXQI67pOZUxZQ0nD5DY2r_en1YYA" width="154" /></a></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white; line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span>Project Gutenberg</span></i><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Theoretical work and classroom
education inculcated in the young a reverence for capitalism’s blessings and
the government’s conduct. Young people learned about the benefits of
free-market economies, the United States’ long tradition of democratic institutions,
and the glories of Manifest Destiny, which justified the American conquest of
not only </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/11/americas-founding-myths/"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">North America</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">,</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> but the Philippine Islands, Cuba, and
Central and South America.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">As Clyde Barrow documents in </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://books.google.com/books/about/Universities_and_the_Capitalist_State.html?id=QVfDQgAACAAJ"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Universities and
the Capitalist State</span></i></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1;">, </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">members of university boards of trustees came largely from
corporations, banks, and law firms that served big business. In the Midwest and
South, trustees who represented regional manufacturing and finance capital ran
the universities. Their outlook paralleled the administrators at the
Northeast’s major universities. Few representatives of non-elite groups, like
labor unions, were ever selected to serve on these boards.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Trustees established an administrative
class that both oversaw the university’s day-to-day operations and managed the
faculty, who produced the school’s key commodities: education and research.
They adopted managerial procedures to control mental labor in the </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2013/04/the-industrial-classroom"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">classroom</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> and the laboratory and institutionalized metrics that
measured enrollment, publications, and university rankings to evaluate
productivity.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Federal and state governments, as well
as nonprofit organizations, stepped in to fund a national university system
designed to serve the interests of twentieth-century capitalism. Major
foundations generated studies, conducted surveys, and made recommendations that
influenced both public and private universities’ policies.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Crises, from the depressions of the
late nineteenth century to World War I, sparked critical analyses from some
professors. Frequently, faculty faced discipline or even termination for
challenging the economic system or the state. The university’s educational
mission was to serve elites and the state, not provide a venue for debating
important social issues.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Fast forward to today. The capitalist
class has further consolidated its power in higher education since the Great
Recession of 2008, the Occupy Movement of 2011, the protests around police
violence in 2014, and in response to the police murdering of George Floyd in
2020. Today campuses are alive with debate about Israel’s war on Gaza and
political influentials are seeking to squelch that debate.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 18pt; margin-bottom: 0.2in;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Boards of trustees and their advisers
in think tanks and political organizations have used economic and political shocks
to demand greater control over and efficiency in the production and teaching of
knowledge. Economically programs that are not justified as good “investments”
have become vulnerable to termination. Humanities programs now have to prove
their utility to the STEM disciplines (science, technology, engineering, and
mathematics) to survive. And, with the war in the Middle East, politicians, trustees,
and administrators are once again interfering in the educational processes of
the university. (The similarities with the McCarthyite period of the 1940s and
1950s are chilling).</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 106%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Finally, just as academic critics of child labor,
anti-union policies, World War I, and financial speculation a hundred years ago
faced censure and unemployment, universities are being pressured to
circumscribe accepted debates. While the higher-education system has extended
academic freedom and provided job security for some through tenure, attacks on
these provisions are spreading as the twenty-first century reconstruction of
American higher education </span><a href="https://www.jacobinmag.com/2014/03/the-death-of-american-universities/"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 106%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">proceeds</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 106%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>From Florida to Indiana (the current SB 202 bill
in the Indiana legislature would circumscribe tenure and what is taught in the
classroom), politicians are committed to destroying the academic freedom, and
the free exchange of ideas, that has made universities a haven for the pursuit
of knowledge useful for the advancement of humanity. <o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left;"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 106%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; mso-themecolor: text1; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 16pt; line-height: 106%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p><span style="text-decoration: none;"> </span></o:p></span></span></p></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-53465105859285081462024-02-08T12:02:00.029-05:002024-02-12T10:13:52.747-05:00TALKING POINTS ON ISRAEL/GAZA AND THE LONG WAR ON THE PALESTINIAN PEOPLE<p><br /></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/:p:/r/personal/targ_purdue_edu/_layouts/15/Doc.aspx?sourcedoc=%7BB5F2B814-8DDA-4DF7-B7CF-851BE5058A8C%7D&file=Talking%20Points%20on%20Israel.pptx&action=edit&mobileredirect=true" style="text-align: left;">https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/:p:/r/personal/targ_purdue_edu/_layouts/15/Doc.aspx?sourcedoc=%7BB5F2B814-8DDA-4DF7-B7CF-851BE5058A8C%7D&file=Talking%20Points%20on%20Israel.pptx&action=edit&mobileredirect=true</a></div><p><br /></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjZM4WAPvM4ETFODGoK9jDItw1yNg61dkcdqkWFOTUvZ_4qYov2E-OoXdd9jTd1k_lEjrNUWMl6nAIEEunVdPJmPYM-sMwB0ctfZlNlmiuyOVmHLCWM1G6pMYItrU1cxtXUM2uc3bF5BIBgY13LyilLhT6lX7Xnz8Eokr6orMUR3rMe-TN96LbEJgj5_pc" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="982" data-original-width="1600" height="196" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjZM4WAPvM4ETFODGoK9jDItw1yNg61dkcdqkWFOTUvZ_4qYov2E-OoXdd9jTd1k_lEjrNUWMl6nAIEEunVdPJmPYM-sMwB0ctfZlNlmiuyOVmHLCWM1G6pMYItrU1cxtXUM2uc3bF5BIBgY13LyilLhT6lX7Xnz8Eokr6orMUR3rMe-TN96LbEJgj5_pc" width="320" /></a></div><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> Jewish Voice for Peace</span><br /><br /><p></p><p>And some thoughts on a path forward for the peace movement:</p><p><a href="https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2023/12/the-middle-east-today-and-spirit-of.html">https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2023/12/the-middle-east-today-and-spirit-of.html</a></p><p><br /></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-72950283690217798322024-02-05T10:42:00.006-05:002024-02-05T10:42:55.512-05:00MALCOLM AND MANNING<p><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Black History Month: Some Remembrances</span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Harry Targ<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">(A <i>Rag Blog </i>repost from July 18, 2011)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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</v:shape><![endif]--><!--[if !vml]--><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span color="windowtext" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><br /></span></span></div><span color="windowtext" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><span style="mso-ignore: vglayout;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgSbcvOb42BIFXDkLS1GpLFHiokrWfcvcA_yeQx9KWXB98DUBZnNgUHn7Y9c9pQprGK1LjtqQT0WaeIgbpiEp4OBg6hiABRKdvMgAVmw4qNPk1nmVYb9Z8ZnliyomRTgxUZac3MI9HN9hlfZU_ZuC1suy-2hNyGK36t3SHAixvVWwHXx8Vnnf7QqX-ATfU" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="484" data-original-width="625" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEgSbcvOb42BIFXDkLS1GpLFHiokrWfcvcA_yeQx9KWXB98DUBZnNgUHn7Y9c9pQprGK1LjtqQT0WaeIgbpiEp4OBg6hiABRKdvMgAVmw4qNPk1nmVYb9Z8ZnliyomRTgxUZac3MI9HN9hlfZU_ZuC1suy-2hNyGK36t3SHAixvVWwHXx8Vnnf7QqX-ATfU" width="310" /></a></div><br /><br /><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjjUNLBRT8m2MDbCmm3eJj6D39aBAl8D3yv9k7vPgHwqQx8dNgUyhpZsBDt5Fcd3y6oPR3o98RDc9Qgt9g_rDVpm0OUgI3mHKjpwysAdoCqFnEXDxyb65PYpO3b3jjGJcjQG5HKO_ugPlHOjDQXc7Hzohk563yydORSZY8Bkeu0RvLP_3QDx3_Z7m8P0kU" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><br /></div></a><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjjUNLBRT8m2MDbCmm3eJj6D39aBAl8D3yv9k7vPgHwqQx8dNgUyhpZsBDt5Fcd3y6oPR3o98RDc9Qgt9g_rDVpm0OUgI3mHKjpwysAdoCqFnEXDxyb65PYpO3b3jjGJcjQG5HKO_ugPlHOjDQXc7Hzohk563yydORSZY8Bkeu0RvLP_3QDx3_Z7m8P0kU" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"></a><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhBRt-SLK85u0JbpnsO_r1IOXXnlhwJGWYgItiFSK1uk2VgbVcbvbL-ube5LYY8xBzWNZ6aoziL-M-m5nNRl3YbyyBzw6aXPVULpRbmu550AmyHDLpQudw_-49bXHoSO0IJV9bpad7h_IYykChuoW7srtLWAtZePzGyPm5sOx3QiRHXf784XsuSUYPWIxE" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="275" data-original-width="625" height="141" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhBRt-SLK85u0JbpnsO_r1IOXXnlhwJGWYgItiFSK1uk2VgbVcbvbL-ube5LYY8xBzWNZ6aoziL-M-m5nNRl3YbyyBzw6aXPVULpRbmu550AmyHDLpQudw_-49bXHoSO0IJV9bpad7h_IYykChuoW7srtLWAtZePzGyPm5sOx3QiRHXf784XsuSUYPWIxE" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span style="font-size: 14pt; text-align: left;">Image of Malcolm X, above, from The Daily Grind.
Manning Marable from NewsOne.</span></div></span></span>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">“And finally, I am deeply grateful to the
real Malcolm X, the man behind the myth, who courageously challenged and
transformed himself, seeking to achieve a vision of a world without racism.
Without erasing his mistakes and contradictions, Malcolm embodies a definitive
yardstick by which all other Americans who aspire to a mantle of leadership
should be measured.”</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"> Manning Marable, <i>Malcolm X, A</i>
<i>Life of Reinvention</i>, 2011, 493).<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Manning Marable: Scholar/Activist<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Professor Manning Marable was a member of the
Political Science and Sociology Departments at Purdue University during the
1986-87 academic year. His scholarship, activism, and ground-breaking books and
articles inspired faculty and students even though his stay at our university
was brief. His classic theoretical work, <i>How Capitalism Underdeveloped Black
America,</i> along with over 20 books and hundreds of articles, inspired social
science scholarship on class, race, and gender.<br />
<br />
His weekly essays, "Along the Color Line," were published in over 250
community newspapers and magazines for years. He once told me that writing for
concerned citizens about public issues was the most rewarding work he ever did.
He was a role model for all young, concerned and committed scholar/activists. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">I just finished reading the powerful biography of
Malcolm X authored by Manning Marable. My encounter with this book was as
fixating and transforming as I remember my reading of Malcolm’s autobiography
in the 1960s.<br />
<br />
<b><i>On Malcolm X in the Classroom<o:p></o:p></i></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">While I lack the deep sense of Malcolm X’s impact on
African American politics and cultural identity that others have, I feel
compelled to write something about this reading experience. (Bill Fletcher’s
review and analysis of the Marable biography provides much expertise on the
subject. “</span><a href="http://www.blackcommentator.com/434/434_aw_marable_malcolm_controversy_printer_friendly.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Manning Marable and the Malcolm X Biography
Controversy: A Response to Critics</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">," from <i>The
Black</i> <i>Commentator</i>, July 7, 2011.)<br />
<br />
During my first year at Purdue University in north central Indiana in 1968, I
requested to teach a course called “Contemporary Political Problems.” Since I
was on the cusp of becoming a political activist in belated response to the
civil rights and antiwar movements, I thought I could use this course to have
an extended conversation with students about where we needed to be going
intellectually and politically.<br />
<br />
My plan was to assign a series of books that reflected different left currents,
politically and culturally, and get us all to reflect on their value for
understanding 1968 America and what to do about it. We read Abbie Hoffman, Ken
Kesey, Herbert Marcuse, the Port Huron and Weatherman statements, and <i>The
Autobiography of Malcolm X.<br />
</i><br />
While my students and I embraced, endorsed, or rejected various of these
authors, we were profoundly impacted by the power of Malcolm X’s personal
biography and his transformations from the streets to the international arena.
As the word got out about the course, and largely because of Malcolm X, sectors
of the Purdue campus got the word that there was a new “radical” in the Political
Science department. (Therefore, I owe my growing enrollments to Malcolm X).<br />
<br />
More important, during the second semester in which I taught the course, I had
a very quiet and respectful African American student in the class. He was a
member of Purdue’s track team. One day, after he showed up at the local airport
sporting a very thin, almost invisible, mustache the track coach ordered him
off the plane. Why? Because he had unauthorized facial hair. His modest
symbolic act, growing the mustache, and the universities response to his words
and deed, set off extended protest activities by African American students in
support of him over several weeks.<br />
<br />
Shortly before this incident, we had spent a couple of weeks in class
discussing Malcolm X’s autobiography. During one class period this very quiet
person announced to the rest of us that we should consider ourselves lucky that
he chose to participate in this class.<br />
<br />
I saw him 40 years later for a fleeting moment. He remembered me and said that
he had read Malcolm X’s autobiography for the first time in my class. The
student’s emerging boldness and his articulated sense of pride must have had
something to do with his reading of Malcolm X.<br />
<br />
<b><i>Manning Marable’s Biography of Malcolm X<o:p></o:p></i></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Reflecting on the Marable biography, I was struck by
the capacity of people to change their ways of thinking, their ideologies, and
their practice. Marable attributes some of Malcolm X’s development to his
conscious desire to reinvent himself and to do so as he told his life story to
Alex Haley, his autobiographical collaborator.<br />
<br />
Despite the world of racism, repression, and theological rigidity Malcolm encountered,
Marable records how Malcolm X’s experience and practical political work were in
fact transforming.<br />
<br />
Different people gleaned different things from reading Malcolm X’s
autobiography, and the same is true of a reading of Manning Marable’s stirring
and frank biography. While those of us on the left were most inspired by the
last two years of Malcolm X’s life, my student was probably impacted as much by
Malcolm’s developing sense of pride and self-worth in a society that demeaned
and ridiculed people of color<br />
<br />
Reading Malcolm and Marable reminds us that, while we bring change through our
organizational affiliations, each individual can have a role to play in
achieving that change. Not all of us can be Malcolm X, Che Guevara, Dolores
Huerta, or Mother Jones. But we can make a difference.<br />
<br />
In addition, Manning Marable makes a particularly strong case for Malcolm X as
an internationalist. The United Nations had adopted a Declaration on Human
Rights in 1948 but human rights discourse was not part of the language of
international relations until Malcolm X demanded the international community
address the issue.<br />
<br />
For Malcolm X, United States racism, while violating the civil rights of its
Black and Brown citizens, was also violating the fundamental human rights of
peoples at home <i>and </i>abroad. At the time of his assassination, Malcolm X
was working to build a coalition of largely former colonial states to demand
that each and every country, and particularly the United States, respect the
human rights of all peoples. Multiple problems including racism, poverty,
disease, hunger, political repression, and sexual abuse were problems at the
root of twentieth century human circumstance AND the United States was a major
violator of human rights.<br />
<br />
Marable described in great detail Malcolm X’s frenetic travels through Africa
and the Middle East to build a coalition of Black and Brown peoples to demand
in the United Nations and every other political forum the establishment of
human rights. Bombing Vietnamese people and killing Black children in
Birmingham were part of the same problem.<br />
<br />
And, this campaign was being launched at the very same time that the countries
of the Global South were struggling to construct a non-aligned movement to
retake the resources, wealth, and human dignity that had been stripped from
peoples by colonialism, neocolonialism, and imperialism. This was the position
that Dr. Martin Luther King came to in 1967, as articulated in his famous
speech at Riverside Church in New York. Malcolm X was introducing this global
human rights project in 1964.<br />
<br />
Marable’s Malcolm X therefore transformed himself from a minor street hustler
to a Black Muslim to a visible world leader advocating a global human rights
agenda. This is the Malcolm X that has meant so much to us over the years,
along with his insistence that Black and Brown people be accorded respect
everywhere and that they should honor and respect themselves.<br />
<br />
But, Marable carefully documents Malcolm X’s flaws as well as his strengths. He,
at various times, was anti-Semitic, misogynistic, not unsympathetic to
violence, and a man engaged in intense, sometimes petty, political struggles
with his organizational colleagues.<br />
<br />
Manning Marable humanizes Malcolm X. Humanizing our heroes makes our efforts to
pass the messages and symbols of the past to newer generations of activists
more convincing. Young people do not need to see progressive heroes as
untainted by their own humanity. And when we present those who make a
contribution to building a better world to new generations, the examples of
their flaws make it clear that no one is beyond personal and political redemption.<br />
<br />
Finally, the biographer, Manning Marable, as my statement at the outset
suggests, was a profoundly important scholar/activist. Marable used his
historical knowledge, social scientific analytical skills, and political values
to craft a career of writing and activism that impacted his students, his
academic colleagues, and his fellow socialists in the struggle for a better
world.<br />
<br />
Telling Malcolm X’s story was Marable’s way of advocating for fundamental
social change in a deeply troubled world.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-31910545122899557952024-02-01T14:24:00.012-05:002024-02-02T09:17:40.816-05:00Dr. King Speaks: Economic Consequences of the Capitalist/War System<p><span style="font-size: 16pt;"><b style="font-size: medium;"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">Black History Month: </span></i></b></span><span style="font-family: Times New Roman, serif;"><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;"><b><i>Some Remembrances</i></b></span></span></p><p><span style="font-size: 16pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi5GVPthHIrS8sGqb_fcq_1Z36DXU7hE8Y58DN1K8Rx0-WvSvB0J3GQ2GcclFrtDPUou41liuO9Hp6q0Hb3qhuGSRk3ipRSdAfrPLiFosgCw3qV0dxbtjhNp-A8NwQH2OS6JYVDNF2m73DSqYQMOZpQW1xHcY81fJucT3s_ycW5nn-uJu-03xphlPOE86g" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="177" data-original-width="500" height="113" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEi5GVPthHIrS8sGqb_fcq_1Z36DXU7hE8Y58DN1K8Rx0-WvSvB0J3GQ2GcclFrtDPUou41liuO9Hp6q0Hb3qhuGSRk3ipRSdAfrPLiFosgCw3qV0dxbtjhNp-A8NwQH2OS6JYVDNF2m73DSqYQMOZpQW1xHcY81fJucT3s_ycW5nn-uJu-03xphlPOE86g" width="320" /></a></div><br /><br /><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;">Dr. Martin Luther
King, in his famous speech at Riverside Church in New York </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">City, April 4,
1967, spoke of the devastating consequences of the Vietnam War on the Vietnamese
people and the poor and oppressed at home. To him, the carnage of </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">war not only
destroyed the targets of war (their economies, their land, their </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">cultures) but the
costs also misallocated the resources of the nation-states which </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">initiated wars.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Every health and
welfare provision of the government, local, state, and federal, was limited by
resources allocated for the war system. Health care, education, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">transportation,
jobs, wages, campaigns to address enduring problems of racism, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">sexism,
homophobia, environmental revitalization, and non-war related scientific </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">and technological
research were reduced almost in direct proportion to rising </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">military
expenditures.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Over half the US
federal budget goes to military spending past and current. And the irony is
that the money that is extracted from the vast majority of the population of
the United States goes to military budgets that enhance the profits of the less
than one percent of the population who profit from the war system as it exists</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"> </span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;">“I speak for the
poor of America who are paying the double price of smashed </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">hopes at home, and
death and corruption in Vietnam.”</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Since 1967 when he
made that speech, Dr. King would surely have added a long list of other wars to
the Vietnam case: wars in Central America and South America, the Middle East,
Asia, and Africa. and the more than 1,000 bases and outposts where US troops or
hired contractors are fighting wars on behalf of capitalist expansion.
Meanwhile the gaps between rich and poor people on a worldwide basis have
increased dramatically with some twenty percent of the world’s population
living below World Bank defined poverty lines.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-23439548403510314362024-02-01T10:38:00.005-05:002024-02-01T10:53:21.595-05:00RACISM ON THE CAMPUS: THE STRUGGLE CONTINUES (A revised repost from November 15, 2015)<p><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Black History Month: Some Purdue
Remembrances</span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></i><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">If there is no struggle, there is no
progress.</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"> Frederick Douglass</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The problem of the twentieth century is
the problem of the color line</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">. W.E.B. DuBois<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">What a proud contrast to the environments
that appear to prevail at places like Missouri and Yale</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">. Mitch
Daniels<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">All across the country students, black and white, hit
the streets and the campus malls to protest racism; structural and
interpersonal. One thousand students rallied at Purdue University on Friday,
November 13, 2014 to show solidarity with students at the University of
Missouri and to announce 13 demands they were making to address racism at
Purdue; a racism that the university president says no longer exists.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Of course nationally and locally the struggle for
social and economic justice is historic. Rev. William Barber, leader of the
Moral Mondays Movement, points to the “Three Reconstructions” in post-Civil War
American history. The First Reconstruction occurred in the 1860s and 1870s when
black and white farmers and workers came together to write constitutions and to
create a new democratic Southern politics. The hope this first reconstruction
raised for a truly democratic America was dashed by a shift to the right of the
federal government, the reemergence of the old Southern ruling class, and the
rise of a brutal violent terrorist organization, the Ku Klux Klan. <a name="_Hlk157675593">Racist policies, coupled with terrorism, instilled </a>formal
racial segregation in the South and subtle forms of institutionalized racism
throughout the rest of the country. (A later rendition of the KKK dominated
Indiana politics in the 1920s). <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The Second Reconstruction, Barber asserts, was
inspired by the Brown vs. Board of Education Supreme Court decision which
declared that segregated schools were unconstitutional. With militant sectors
of labor, a grassroots Southern civil rights movement revived all across the
country. In the 1960s, it culminated in civil rights legislation that outlawed
racial segregation and guaranteed voting rights. Also the “war on poverty” was
launched. Shortly after these victories, the Republican Party presidential candidate
Richard Nixon employed the so-called “Southern Strategy” to shift federal and
state politics to the right. The forerunners of today’s Tea Party (and Trump
supporting MAGA) rightwing reaction expanded their political power at the
federal and state levels.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Rev. Barber believes that, with the movement that
elected President Obama, there <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>emerged a
Third Reconstruction. It featured the mobilization of masses of
people--blacks and whites, men and women, gays and straights, blue collar and
white collar workers, young and old, people of faith and those who choose no
faith--coming together to reconstitute the struggle for the achievement of a
truly democratic vision. This vision is of a society that is participatory,
egalitarian, and economically and psychologically fulfilling.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The resurgence of protests on college campuses over
the last decade, although narrowly focused, represents the contemporary form of
the kinds of struggles for social justice Frederick Douglass talked
about. For example, on the campus of Purdue University, the struggle
for racial justice has a long history. For the first 60 years of the twentieth
century the African American population was less than one percent of the
student body. The numbers of African American students grew to a few
hundred in the 1960s. And in the context of the Second Reconstruction and
activism around civil rights and opposition to the war in Vietnam, some
students organized a “Negro History Study Group” (which later became the Black
Student Union). In 1968, to dramatize what they saw as institutional racism
coupled with an environment of racial hostility, more than 150 Black students
carrying brown bags marched to the Executive Building. At the building they
took bricks from the bags. The bricks were piled up and a sign “Or the Fire
Next Time,” was set next to the bricks. The students submitted a series of
demands including the development of an African American Studies Program and a
Black Cultural Center. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The demonstration was dramatic. The demands clear. The
justice of their motivation was unassailable. Administrators and faculty set up
committees to discuss the protests. And in the short run, only minor changes
were implemented, such as Purdue’s 1968 hiring of the first African American
professor in Liberal Arts.</span> </p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">One year later, after an African American member of
the track team was castigated for wearing a mustache and his verbal response
led to his arrest, Black students launched another protest march with more
demands. This time the Administration and the Board of Trustees authorized the
establishment of the Black Cultural Center, which today is an educational,
social, and architectural hub of the campus. In 1973, Antonio Zamora, educator,
accomplished musician, and experienced administrator was hired to lead the
campus effort to make the BCC the vital embodiment of the university that it
has become. One of the leaders of the 1969 protest, Eric McCaskill, told then
President Hovde by phone during the protest march and visit to the Executive
Building: “We are somebody. I am somebody.” <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://omeka.cla.purdue.edu/s/investigating-150-years/page/civil-rights-protests-in-1960s"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">https://omeka.cla.purdue.edu/s/investigating-150-years/page/civil-rights-protests-in-1960s</span></a><span class="MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.purdueexponent.org/city_state/article_51b69386-b15e-11ea-8b76-b31b38228621.html"><span style="color: blue;">History of protests at Purdue shows 'another world is
possible' | City & State | purdueexponent.org</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Forty-six years later one thousand similarly motivated
students rallied together on Friday, November 13, 2014 on the Purdue campus.
They expressed outrage at the systematic violence against people of color
throughout the society and the perpetuation of racism in virtually every
institution. On the Purdue campus they protested the lack of full, fair
representation of African Americans on the faculty and in the student body, a
climate on and off campus that perpetuates racism, and the continuation of all
the old stereotypes of minority students that has prevailed for years. They
also shared their solidarity with the students of the University of Missouri
and they made it crystal clear their disagreement with the statement by the
Purdue University President that the Purdue campus was different.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The organizers provided thirteen demands including:<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-an acknowledgement by the President of Purdue
University that a hostile and discriminatory environment still exists at Purdue<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-the reinstatement of a Chief Diversity Officer with
student involvement in the hiring process<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-the creation of a “required comprehensive awareness
curriculum”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-the establishment of a campus police advisory board<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-a 30 percent increase of underrepresented minorities
in the student body and on the faculty by 2019-2020<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">-greater representatives of minority groups on student
government bodies<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Frederick Douglass was correct. Progress
requires struggle. DuBois is still correct about the twenty-first century as he
was about the prior one: the problem of our day remains “the color line.” And
many of those who observed, participated in, and applauded the organizers of protests
in 1968, 2015 and today at Purdue recognize <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>that the struggles are long, the victories
sometimes transitory, and each generation of activists is participating in a
process of fundamental change that will move society in a more humane
direction. The generations of Purdue students of the 1960s and the twenty-first
century are linked in a chain for justice.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;"><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span><span> </span>WBAA Photo<o:p></o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-30056651391690281302024-01-31T10:28:00.003-05:002024-01-31T10:28:34.046-05:00THREATS TO ACADEMIC FREEDOM ARE ESCALATING<p>Harry Targ</p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.bcheights.com/2022/04/07/letter-to-the-editor-resolution-defending-academic-freedom-as-it-relates-to-teaching-about-race-gender-sexuality-and-critical-race-theory/"><i><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Letter to the Editor: Resolution Defending Academic Freedom As It Relates
to Teaching About Race, Gender, Sexuality, and Critical Race Theory - The
Heights (bcheights.com)</span></i></a><i><span style="font-size: 10pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p></o:p></span></i></p>
<p class="MsoNormal">(“Meanwhile, Kenneth Griffin, a megadonor who gave Harvard
so much money that it named its largest graduate school after him last year,
said at a conference Tuesday that elite universities now produce “whiny
snowflakes” instead of “leaders and problem solvers” because of their excessive
focus on “microaggressions [and] a DEI agenda.” <i>The Boston Globe</i>,
January 31, 2024).<o:p></o:p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 107%; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br />
</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; line-height: 107%;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">David
Horowitz </span><span style="font-size: 18.6667px;">launched an</span><span style="font-size: 14pt;"> assault on higher
education in 2005, not too dissimilar to the McCarthyite attacks on higher
education in the 1950s. He and a variety of organizations such as the National
Association of Scholars (NAS) sought to purge higher education of critical
thought.</span><o:p style="font-size: 14pt;"></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Another round of more sophisticated and highly
resourced attacks on higher education were expanded in the twenty-first century
by the Koch Foundation State Policy Networks (SPN). In this case, state
organizations were created, rightwing politicians were supported for key
administrative posts in universities, particularly university presidencies, and
Boards of Trustees representing huge corporations and banks acted more
assertively to destroy the rich diversity of educational experiences that had
been inspired by the 1960s. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">With the rise of the far-rightwing forces around
former President Trump, combining corporate elites, religious fundamentalists,
extreme free market advocates, and military contractors, the attacks today on
education, K through university, have become fierce. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Now political puppets have launched attacks on
education in state houses and the halls of Congress. Critical Race Theory,
rather than being a short-hand description for a body of scholarship, has been
redefined as ideology. Politicians running for office talk about the Civil War
without mentioning slavery as a root cause. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Charges of antisemitism are being used to challenge
expressions of intellectual and political points of view on campuses. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Presidents at our most prestigious universities, women
and persons of color, are attacked for defending academic freedom. <o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">The whole edifice of what John Stuart Mill described a
long time ago as “the marketplace of ideas” is under assault. To borrow from a
book title about the 1950s by Marty Jezer, we are returning to a new “Dark
Ages.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">It is time for those who oppose racism,
exploitation of workers, patriarchy, environmental spoilation, and other social
ills to stand up in defense of freedom of speech, education, and the
celebration of diversity and debate.<o:p></o:p></span></i></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-47277162608100352402024-01-30T10:40:00.032-05:002024-01-30T12:10:09.585-05:0021st century techniques of empire<p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p><p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">(a repost and update)</span></p>
<i>(COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) —"</i><a href="https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-room/statements-releases/2024/01/28/statement-from-president-joe-biden-on-attack-on-u-s-service-members-in-northeastern-jordan-near-the-syria-border/">President Joe Biden</a> said Sunday that the U.S. “shall respond” after <a href="https://www.centcom.mil/MEDIA/PRESS-RELEASES/Press-Release-View/Article/3658484/announcement-of-us-casualties-in-northeast-jordan-near-syria-border/">three American troops were killed</a> and dozens more were injured in an overnight drone strike in northeast <a href="https://apnews.com/hub/jordan">Jordan</a> near the Syrian border. Biden blamed <a href="https://apnews.com/hub/iran">Iran-backed militias</a> for the first U.S. fatalities after months of strikes by such groups against American forces across the Middle East since the start of the <a href="https://apnews.com/hub/israel-hamas-war">Israel-Hamas war</a>."<u> <a href="https://apnews.com/author/zeke-miller" style="font-style: italic;"><span style="font-size: x-small;">ZEKE MILLER</span></a></u><i><span style="font-size: x-small;"> AND LOLITA C. BALDOR </span>“Biden says US ‘shall respond’ after drone strike by Iran-backed group kills 3 US troops in Jordan,” January 29, 2024).</i> <div><br /></div><div>("Despite recently closing hundreds of bases in Iraq and Afghanistan, the United States still maintains nearly 800 military bases in more than 70 countries and territories abroad…" David Vine, “Where in the World Is the U.S. Military? July/August 2015, <i>Politico Magazine</i>).
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The world has come a long way from the days of Roman legions slogging across
land pillaging and killing. The days of nineteenth century colonial rule --
clumsy and arrogant with foreign occupants of land lording over exploited local
workers -- has changed. However, it is important to reflect on the new or more
developed techniques of empire, while never forgetting that there are centuries
long continuities of techniques of imperial rule.<br />
<br />
For starters, Marc Pilisuk reports in <i>Who Benefits From Global Violence
and War:</i> <i>Uncovering a Destructive System</i> that the character of
war has changed over the years and centuries. Wars today are not usually
between nations. Casualties of wars are overwhelmingly civilians rather than
soldiers. The weapons used in wars today are more likely than in the past to
temporarily or permanently damage the natural habitat as well as kill people.<br />
<br />
Wars in recent years have been likely to be fought over natural resources.
Nations and groups now are more likely to be supplied with weapons produced by
a handful of corporations that specialize in the production of military
supplies. These weapons are provided by a small number of nations. Finally,
wars fought in modern times, the last 100 years, have caused more deaths than
in any other comparable period of human history.<br />
<br />
Pilisuk reports that since World War II 250 wars have occurred causing 50
million deaths and leaving millions homeless. (The United States participated
significantly in 75 military interventions.)<br />
<br />
Recently a number of journalistic and scholarly accounts have added to our
understanding of newer techniques of empire, particularly U.S. empire.<o:p></o:p></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Global presence</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">. Pilisuk,
Chalmers Johnson (<i>The Sorrows of Empire</i>), David Vine (<i>Base Nation:
How U.S. Military Bases Abroad Harm America and the World</i>) and others have
estimated that the United States has over 700, perhaps 800 military
installations in more than 70 countries. Some years ago the Pentagon determined
that huge Cold War era military bases needed to be replaced with smaller,
strategically located bases for rapid mobilization to attend to “trouble-spots”
in the Global South, such as in Jordan today. While forward basing in South
Asia and in nations formerly part of the Soviet Union has received some
attention seven new U.S. bases being established in Colombia (within striking
distance of hostile Venezuela) and increased naval operations in the Caribbean
have not. In addition, there are some 6,000 domestic military bases, many that
anchor the economies of small towns.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Privatization of the U.S. military</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">. David
Isenberg (“Private Military Contractors and U.S. Grand Strategy,” PRIO, Oslo,
2009) refers to “...the U.S. government’s huge and growing reliance on private
contractors” which “...constitutes an attempt to circumvent or evade public
skepticism about the United States’ self-appointed role as global policemen.”
While PMCs provide many services, such as combat, consulting, training armies,
and military support, their combat presence in the two major wars of the 21st
century, Afghanistan and Iraq, has generated the most, if limited, public
attention. Isenberg says that between 1950 and 1989 PMCs participated in 15
conflicts in other countries and from 1990 to 2000 another 80. PMCs were
employed in civil wars such as in Angola, Sierre Leone, and the Balkans and
PMCs are all over Africa today.<br />
<br />
A recent Washington Post investigation compiled a data base, “Top
Secret America,” “that found 1,931 intelligence contracting firms” doing top
secret work “for 1,271 government organizations at over 10,000 sites.” TSA
indicates that 90 percent of the intelligence work is done by 110 contractors.
Defense department spokespersons and legislators claim that the United States
needs to continue allocating billions of dollars to private contractors to
maintain military performance levels that are minimally acceptable.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;"><br />
</span><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEgaK2nZR0j6SRoqDbBIvub1SewRyShVYNAS0wVT_EpuONKPVeyA3Lunc-GdZLdJCMf6h8fg57Y9QGdDCoDM_qSVSsVj4_KJAtotNYo3xivHFP0GfSPJ3BQHU9xHhl1YovYy3CipAesBSI8/s1600/unmanned+aerial+vehicle.jpg"><span color="windowtext" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shape
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">The X-47B unmanned combat air vehicle. Artist's
rendering from Defense Industry Daily.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Unmanned aerial vehicles</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">. Nick
Turse (<i>The Complex: How the Military Invades</i> <i>Our Everyday Lives</i>) describes
the introduction of unmanned aerial weapons in the 1990s and their current
weaponry of choice for the White House and others who prefer antiseptic and
bloodless (on our side) technologies to eliminate enemies. New predator drones
can be programmed to fly over distant lands and target enemies for unstoppable
air strikes. Drones have been increasingly popular as weapons in fighting
enemies in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Somalia, and Yemen.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Connecting drone strikes to assassination teams and other war-making
techniques, Shane, Mazzetti, and Worth, (“Secret Assault on Terrorism Widens on
Two Continents,” <i>The New York Times</i>, August 16, 2010) refers to
shadow wars against terrorist targets. “In roughly a dozen countries -- from
the deserts of North Africa, to the mountains of Pakistan, to former Soviet
republics crippled by ethnic and religious strife -- the United States has
significantly increased military and intelligence operations, pursuing the
enemy using robotic drones and commando teams, paying contractors to spy and
training local operatives to chase terrorists.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Assassinations.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;"> The
United States has initiated campaigns to identify and assassinate presumed
enemies. CIA operatives and private contractors join teams of army specialists
under the Joint Special Operations Command (13,000 assassination commandos
around the world) to kill foreigners alleged to be affiliated with terrorist
groups. These targets can include U.S. citizens living abroad who have been
deemed to be terrorist collaborators. In the Western Hemisphere, the United
States, through Latin American military personnel trained at the School of the
Americas, has long supported assassination programs that now seem to be
“globalized,” that is administered everywhere.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Fred Branfman (<i>Alternet,</i> August 24, 2010) starkly describes the
assassination policy: “The truth that many Americans find hard to take is that
mass U.S. assassination on a scale unequaled in world history lies at the heart
of America’s military strategy in the Muslim world, a policy both illegal and
never seriously debated by Congress or the American people.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Missionary humanitarian interventions</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">. While
most techniques of empire involve the direct use of violence, public and
private organizations expand the presence of empire through so-called
“humanitarian assistance.” While the work of the missionary has often followed
the flag, never has such activism impacted so heavily on global politics as
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: medium; line-height: 106%;">today.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size: medium;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">For example, </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;">The New York Times</i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif;"> (July 6, 2010) reported that
Christian evangelical groups have transferred substantial amounts of funds to
Jewish settlements in occupied territories of the West Bank. Furthermore,
fundraising for settlements that stand in the way of the creation of a
Palestinian state receive tax exemptions. The newspaper reports on “...at least
40 American groups that have collected more than $200 million in tax-deductible
gifts for Jewish settlement in the West Bank and East Jerusalem over the last
decade.”</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: medium;">The newspaper correctly points out that so-called “humanitarian” and tax
deductible donations to entities in other countries tied to U.S. foreign policy
are not new. But, the article suggests that donations to the settler movement
are special “because of the centrality of the settlement issue in the current
talks and the fact that Washington has consistently refused to allow Israel to
spend American government aid in the settlements. Tax breaks for the donations
remain largely unchallenged, and unexamined by the American government.”</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Cognitive War.</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">
A recent document prepared by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO) suggested that “in cognitive warfare, the human mind
becomes the battlefield. <a name="_Hlk86224622">The aim is to change not
only what people think, but how they think and act. </a>Waged
successfully, it shapes and influences individual and group beliefs and
behaviors to favor an aggressor's tactical or strategic objectives.”<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.nato.int/docu/review/articles/2021/05/20/countering-cognitive-warfare-awareness-and-resilience/index.html"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">https://www.nato.int/docu/review/articles/2021/05/20/countering-cognitive-warfare-awareness-and-resilience/index.html</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">This NATO document, of course, is addressing the world
of international relations but the concept of “cognitive warfare” seems to
parallel efforts “to change not only what people think, but how they think and
act.” This project animates the efforts of media conglomerates-print,
electronic, social media platforms. Changing how people think and act has its
historic roots in campaigns to convince citizens to support wars, consume
cigarettes, forget climate disasters, and to find flaws in populations because
of class, race, gender, sexual preference, and/or religion. Creating
images of enemies is central to launching wars. The processes of
“branding” are similar in all realms of human experience.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;"><br />
<b>What is new about imperial policies<br />
</b><br />
While the general character of imperial policies remains the same, whether the
empire is Rome, Japan, Germany, France, Great Britain, or the United States,
changes in technology, the state system, ideology, and tactical thinking have
had their effects.<br />
<br />
First, imperial rule has become truly global. From bases in far-off places to
unmanned drones flying over literally millions of targets everywhere, empires
operate with no constraints based on geography.<br />
<br />
Second, the military has become big business. Private corporations assume a
greater share of Department of Defense budgets. Private companies now clean up
and cook for the troops, train foreign soldiers, assassinate assumed terrorist
enemies, and fight small wars with almost no visibility to publics.<br />
<br />
Third, the United States is moving toward fighting wars without soldiers on the
ground. Enemies can be identified by computer and military technologists can
then push the right buttons to kill the unfortunate targets. Killing has become
antiseptic. Killers can say goodbye to the kids in the morning, drive to work,
push some buttons, drive home and spend the evening with the family. Meanwhile
thousands of miles away there are mourners crying over those just assassinated.<br />
<br />
Fourth, empires, at least the U.S. empire, can kill with impunity. Targets
labeled terrorist can be eliminated by unmanned space weapons, specially
trained assassination teams, or average foot soldiers.<br />
<br />
Fifth, concentrated media control, artificial intelligence, the systematic
lying of governments, censorship in education institutions, and the reification
of war and violence in popular culture transform the consciousness and value
systems of people, both victimizers and victims about the legitimacy of war.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;">Finally, empires can expand and change the destiny of
peoples through so-called “humanitarian assistance.” Local goals, good or bad,
are furthered by the large financial resources that special interests can bring
to other countries.<br />
<br />
Empires have had a long and ugly history. Because of technology, economics, and
ideology new techniques of empire have been added to the old. The struggle
against all empires must continue.<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;"><o:p> </o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 106%;"><br />
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<!--[endif]--><o:p></o:p></span><p></p></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-35187641431947801482024-01-29T10:46:00.023-05:002024-02-02T09:48:41.397-05:00Targets of U.S. imperialism and the danger of war with Iran<p><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">(Part of this essay was posted March 28, 2012 on <i>The
Rag Blog</i>)<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/b/R29vZ2xl/AVvXsEhzFSlwgaw-n39wasEB6lSxC-XILGy-eBKsnbLFwUCuMRKGAk4zLQEFo9Y8ASnHpxx8NgzyE6sQTKXnK9gEAo5mcoHvd5FIlIVBykFqyvUiryxip-BBeo6XMS65cP_W0AOYK-kNj4309sQ/s1600/us+imperialism.jpg"><span color="windowtext" style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%; mso-no-proof: yes; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;"><!--[if gte vml 1]><v:shapetype
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<p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif;">An
artist's take on U.S. imperialism. Cartoon from Iran Review<o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">Given the troubled history of U.S./Iranian
relations spanning at least 60 years, the current threats of war expressed by both
Israel and the United States are not surprising.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">(</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">From the
Council on Foreign Relations, January 29, 2024<i>:<o:p></o:p></i></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 107%;">A drone attack on a U.S. military
outpost in Jordan <a href="https://nam04.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Flink.cfr.org%2Fclick%2F34156753.29689%2FaHR0cHM6Ly93d3cucmV1dGVycy5jb20vd29ybGQvYmlkZW4tc2F5cy10aHJlZS11cy1zZXJ2aWNlLW1lbWJlcnMta2lsbGVkLWRyb25lLWF0dGFjay11cy1mb3JjZXMtam9yZGFuLTIwMjQtMDEtMjgvP3V0bV9zb3VyY2U9ZGFpbHlicmllZg%2F5deac9c2fc942d4a17cce457B99c9cc56&data=05%7C02%7Ctarg%40purdue.edu%7C0f2caaee48d74cb6db9208dc20d895de%7C4130bd397c53419cb1e58758d6d63f21%7C0%7C0%7C638421361799373930%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C0%7C%7C%7C&sdata=PRVavg0NaD%2BTVVASRsgY99mUs0jMAHb7e6vE%2FK54BtE%3D&reserved=0">killed
three U.S. troops (Reuters)</a> and wounded at least thirty-four, U.S.
President Joe Biden said yesterday. He said that Iran-backed militant
groups carried out the attack in northeast Jordan near the Syrian border.<o:p></o:p></span></i><i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">…CFR expert Steven A. Cook writes for the Wall Street Journal. “No one is going to lend a hand to the U.S. unless Washington takes decisive</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"> action <i>to reform the [Palestinian Authority], confront Iran’s ‘axis of resistance’ and isolate the region’s arsonists, notably Qatar and Turkey.”</i>)</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><br /></p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;">U.S. Imperialism in the beginning</span></b></a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"><br />Modern imperialism is intimately connected to the globalization of capitalism, the quest for enhanced military capabilities, geopolitical thinking, and ideologies of national and racial superiority.<br /><br />The rise of the United States empire occurred as the industrial revolution spread to North America after the civil war. Farmers began to produce agricultural surpluses requiring overseas customers, factories were built to produce iron, steel, textiles, and food products, railroads were constructed to traverse the North American continent, and financiers created large banks, trusts, and holding companies to parley agricultural and manufacturing profits into huge concentrations of cash.<br /><br />Perhaps the benchmark of the U.S. emergence as an imperial power was the Spanish/Cuban/American war. The U.S. established its hegemony in the Western Hemisphere, replacing the Spanish and challenging the British, and became an Asian power, crushing rebellion and planting its military in the Philippines. The empire has grown, despite resistance, to this day.<br /><br />While U.S. expansion occurs wherever a vacuum of power exists, and an opportunity to formally or informally control a regime and/or territory, particular countries have had enduring salience for the U.S. Iran is such a country.<br /><br /><b>Scale of significance for U.S. imperialism<br /></b><br />To help understand the attention U.S. policy-makers give some countries, it is possible to reflect on what is called here the Scale of Significance for U.S. Imperialism (SSUSI). The SSUSI has three interconnected dimensions that relate to the relative importance policymakers give to some countries compared to others.<br /><br />First, as an original motivation for expansion, economic interests are primary. Historically, United States policy has been driven by the need to secure customers for U.S. products, outlets for manufacturing investment opportunities, opportunities for financial speculation, and vital natural resources.<br /><br />Second, geopolitics and military hegemony matter. Empires require ready access to regions and trouble spots all around the world. When Teddy Roosevelt, as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Vice President, and President of the United States, articulated the first warning of the need for global power he spoke of the development of a “two-ocean” navy.<br /><br />The U.S., he said, must become an Atlantic and a Pacific power, thus prioritizing the projection of military power in the Western Hemisphere and Asia. If the achievement of global power was dependent upon resources drawn from everywhere, military and political hegemony in the Persian Gulf, the Middle East, and parts of Africa also required attention.<br /><br />Third, as the imperial project grows, certain political regimes and cultures take on particular importance for policymakers and the American people. Foreign policy elites claim that the U.S. has a special responsibility for them. If these roles are rejected by the targeted country, the experience burns itself into the consciousness of the people.<br /><br />For example, Cuba was seen by U.S. rulers as far back as Thomas Jefferson as soon to be part of the United States. Cuba’s rejection of this presumption of U.S. tutelage has been a scar on the U.S. sense of itself ever since the spread of revolutionary ferment on the island.<br /><br /><b>The danger of war with Iran today<br /></b><br />Reflecting on the SSUSI adds to the discussion about current United States foreign policy toward Iran. The history of U.S./Iranian relations has been long and painful. Before the dramatic United States involvement in that country, Iran’s vital oil resource had been under control of the weakening British empire. In 1901 the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company (now British Petroleum) consolidated control of much of the production, refining, and export of Iranian oil. Local oligarchs received only 16 percent of the oil revenue from the global sale of the oil.<br /><br />After World War II, with a young monarch Mohammad Reza Shah serving as the Iranian ruler and Iranian masses living in poverty, Iranian nationalists mobilized to seize control of their valuable resource. Upper class nationalist Mohammed Mossadegh became Prime Minister and asserted the power of the parliament over the monarchy. The parliament voted to nationalize the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company.<br /><br />The British government enlisted the United States in 1953 to overthrow the Mossadegh regime using covert operations directed by the CIA. After Mossadegh was imprisoned and the Shah given full power to impose his will on an angry population, a new oil consortium agreement was established in 1954 which allowed five U.S. oil companies to gain a 40 percent share of Iranian oil. Anglo-Iranian would retain another 40 percent, and the rest would be given to rich Iranians.<br /><br />Over the years, the Shah’s regime became the bulwark of U.S. power in the increasingly vital Persian Gulf region. In the Nixon period, Iran was defined as a key “gendarme” state, which would serve as a surrogate western police power to oversee the region. Presumably Iran would protect the flow of Gulf oil to the United States, Europe, and Japan. By the 1970s, the Shah’s military was the fifth largest in the world.<br /><br />To the great surprise of left critics of the Shah’s dictatorship, the CIA, and the Carter administration, the Shah’s regime began to crumble in the summer of 1978 as large strikes were organized by oil workers against the regime. In January, 1979 secretly organized massive street protests led by the religious community doomed the regime.<br /><br />As Iranian soldiers refused to fire upon street demonstrators, President Carter’s National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski, urged the president to send troops to Iran to save the U.S. regional policeman, the Shah, from overthrow. That proposal was rejected by Carter.<br /><br />After jockeying for power in the post-revolutionary period, religious leaders consolidated their power over the political system. To add embarrassment to loss of economic and geopolitical control over the vital Persian Gulf region, Iranian students took 52 U.S. diplomats and military attaches hostage and held them for 444 days.<br /><br />In 1980 Carter authorized a military rescue effort that failed. The bungled military operation further damaged the image of infallibility that American foreign policy elites, and the public, held about the nation’s power and destiny.<br /><br />In the 1980s, to challenge Iran’s potential for becoming the hegemonic power in the Gulf, the Reagan administration sided with Iraq in the brutal war between it and Iran. In 1988, shortly before the end of the Iraq/Iran war, U.S. planes shot down a civilian Iranian airliner killing 290 people aboard.<br /><br />Subsequent to the ignoble history of U.S. support for the Shah’s dictatorship, militarization, the overthrow of Mossadegh, the embarrassment of the hostage taking, funding Iraq in the brutal Gulf war of the 1980s, the United States has maintained hostility to Iran despite occasional signals from the latter of a desire to establish better relations. During the Obama administration in 2015 a nuclear treaty was negotiated between Iran, the US, and other countries, but it was abrogated by President Trump. U.S./Iranian hostilities have increased ever since, particularly since October 7, 2023.<br /><br />U.S. policy has included an economic embargo, efforts to create region-wide opposition to the regime, expressions of support for a large (and justifiable) internal movement for democracy and secularization in the country, and encouragement, more or less, for growing Israeli threats against Iran.<br /><br />Given this troubled history of U.S./Iranian relations spanning at least 60 years, the current threats of war expressed by both Israel and the United States are not surprising.<br /><br /><b>Returning to SSUSI and Iranian relations</b><br /><br />As an emerging global power, United States needs for natural resources, customers for consumer and military products, investment opportunities, and outlets for energy companies grew throughout the twentieth century. One of the significant historical junctures in the transfer of economic and geopolitical power in the world from the declining British empire and the rising U.S. empire was the agreement to redistribute control of Iranian oil in 1954. The Anglo-Iranian Oil Company was obliged to share Iranian oil with the then five U.S. oil giants.<br /><br />As U.S. oil needs and those of its friends in Europe increased, control of the Persian Gulf region and access to its oil became more vital. Furthermore, since a hostile Iran could control the Strait of Hormuz, the Iranian revolution of 1979 posed an increasing geopolitical problem for American dominance.<br /><br />The impulse in 1979 to send U.S. troops to save the Shah’s regime was driven by both economics and geopolitics. It was only because other Carter advisers disagreed with the National Security Advisor on the possibility of saving the Shah that a U.S. intervention stalled in 1979. But in 1980 an Iraq/Iran war provided an opportunity, it was hoped, to weaken Iran’s potential control of the region.<br /><br />Finally, the U.S. decision-makers since 1953 saw a special relationship between this country and Iran. The U.S. put the Shah in power, plied him with enormous military power, encouraged and facilitated significant cultural exchanges, and defined his regime as a junior partner in policing the region.<br /><br />The rapidity of the Shah’s overthrow and the anger expressed by the Iranian people about its historic relationship to the American people communicated to the world declining U.S. power. Consequently, U.S. hostility to Iran in subsequent decades using a variety of issues including processing uranium is not surprising.<o:p></o:p></span></a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday">And now, (January, 2024) the threat of escalating war in the region, the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, has increased dramatically.<o:p></o:p></a></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 14pt; line-height: 19.9733px;"></span></a></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 14pt;"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday">As Dr. King said about earlier war-making: “This madness
must cease.”</a></span></p></td></tr></tbody></table></td></tr></tbody></table></div></td></tr><tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 1;"><td style="padding: 0in;"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday"><br /></a></td></tr><tr style="mso-yfti-irow: 2; mso-yfti-lastrow: yes;"><td style="padding: 0in;"><a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/news/us-strikes-iran-personnel-facilities-in-iraq-syria-approved-jordan-drone-attack/?email=6bd814c768769f5dde0b152682030c57faa1c6a0&emaila=0c68e2addfd7b03be101daaf537a419b&emailb=8f382b27aefd0350a17727cf1550f67bd67b24b2f216bf69540bc330402b9e9c&utm_source=Sailthru&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=2.2.24%20BN%20Morning%20Friday"><br /></a></td></tr></tbody></table></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-77392871423946270522024-01-26T10:22:00.009-05:002024-01-26T10:26:28.410-05:00IS ISRAEL COMMITTING GENOCIDE?<span style="font-size: large;">Below is the language of Article 2 of the United Nations Convention on Genocide initiated in 1948. Is there any doubt that the government of Israel is engaging in genocidal policies against the Palestinian people in the Gaza strip? </span><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;">“In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:</span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"> (a) Killing members of the group; </span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;">(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group; </span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;">(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; </span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;">(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;</span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;">(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” </span></div><div><span style="font-size: x-large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: x-large;"> </span><span style="font-size: large;">Both Israel and the United States are signatories to the Genocide Convention. </span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjHmTeRO78VoVI4RDmiwYnUVUUklFdGONTvLCC8Yvfk8NlAkfUACxEer5oEHl4QTvlike08oQl5AUYlyH2s7xSid8eoQqakQdsrmhpQLxQLk9g032ldbSDFmJL4GUAlO9dtNTZPTjC-hihrTOUNx1_y5klzbN_REmZtBcs-QiLOv2Y8wNNyKvkjGueKS0A" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="191" data-original-width="500" height="122" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjHmTeRO78VoVI4RDmiwYnUVUUklFdGONTvLCC8Yvfk8NlAkfUACxEer5oEHl4QTvlike08oQl5AUYlyH2s7xSid8eoQqakQdsrmhpQLxQLk9g032ldbSDFmJL4GUAlO9dtNTZPTjC-hihrTOUNx1_y5klzbN_REmZtBcs-QiLOv2Y8wNNyKvkjGueKS0A" width="320" /></a></div><br /><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"><br /></span></div><div><span style="font-size: large;"> Convention.</span></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-79371208166916124852024-01-22T11:44:00.009-05:002024-01-22T15:40:05.200-05:00A radio interview on the Crisis of Higher Education<p> </p><p class="MsoNormal"><a href="https://nam04.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.podbean.com%2Few%2Fpb-355pf-1558350&data=05%7C02%7Ctarg%40purdue.edu%7C51677e1a17ef44a1ea9608dc1b64107c%7C4130bd397c53419cb1e58758d6d63f21%7C0%7C0%7C638415363806821201%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&sdata=xeHU9M0jbQJgToOG60MGLk31kMryG7xg%2BSUqarCS8zI%3D&reserved=0">https://www.podbean.com/ew/pb-355pf-1558350</a><o:p></o:p></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0);"><a name="6768657174365262439"></a><b><span style="color: #ffeedd; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 22.5pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://nam04.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=http%3A%2F%2Fpodcasts.enlightenradio.org%2F2024%2F01%2Fwinners-and-losers-crisis-in-higher.html&data=05%7C02%7Ctarg%40purdue.edu%7C51677e1a17ef44a1ea9608dc1b64107c%7C4130bd397c53419cb1e58758d6d63f21%7C0%7C0%7C638415363806871690%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&sdata=%2BEP6YkantAgeI0Zy1BJRGtSYk9GlR9WhfjnjM9lEW%2Bo%3D&reserved=0"><span style="color: #ffeecc;">Winners and Losers: The Crisis in Higher Education</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0);"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 12pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Enlighten
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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); margin-bottom: 6pt; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: white; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Winners and Losers: The Crisis in Higher
Education<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The Only Way To Assert the Right to Free Speech -- Is To
Speak!<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 12pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Broadcasts LIVE, Fridays, 7:30 AM Eastern<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); margin-bottom: 6pt; text-align: center;"><b><span style="color: white; font-family: "Georgia",serif; font-size: 15pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Special Guest: <a href="https://www.cla.purdue.edu/directory/profiles/harry-targ.html"><span style="color: #ffcc77;">Prof. Harry Targ</span></a><o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 13.5pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Professor Harry Targ joins our program to discuss the
crisis emerging from billionaire and corporate donor domination of university
boards, and not only on free speech.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 12pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This Episode Recorded 1/19/2024 at the Red Caboose Studio,
Harpers Ferry, WV<o:p></o:p></span></b></p>
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<p align="center" class="MsoNormal" style="background: rgb(68, 21, 0); mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto; text-align: center;"><b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 10pt; mso-ligatures: none;">questions,
comments: <a href="mailto:jcase4218@gmail.com">jcase4218@gmail.com</a></span></b><span face=""Arial",sans-serif" style="color: #ffeedd; font-size: 10pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-29444193928432515192024-01-17T10:08:00.030-05:002024-01-17T10:25:20.823-05:00THE THREATS TO HIGHER EDUCATION TODAY: a radio interview and article below<p>Grass is Greener-Harry Targ: "Higher Education and the Three University Presidents" WXRW riverwestradio.com. 104.1fm:</p><p><a href="https://nam04.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fsoundcloud.com%2Fuser-240416425%2F2024-01-16-2000-grass-is-greener-harry-targ-higher-education-the-three-university-presidents&data=05%7C02%7Ctarg%40purdue.edu%7C3d87203b112d4ae06fbf08dc16fc7959%7C4130bd397c53419cb1e58758d6d63f21%7C0%7C0%7C638410520825054938%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&sdata=AhLhueAxLlbIHNcmbAxDnMp5n9SBpJHLW5nEqHQw3sI%3D&reserved=0" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #993300; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; text-decoration-line: none;" target="_blank">https://soundcloud.com/user-240416425/2024-01-16-2000-grass-is-greener-harry-targ-higher-education-the-three-university-presidents</a></p><p style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Harry Targ</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The article below was prepared fifteen years ago, shortly after David Horowitz launched yet another assault on higher education. He and a variety of organizations such as the National Association of Scholars (NAS) sought to purge higher education of critical thought.</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Another round of more sophisticated and highly resourced attacks on higher education were expanded in the twenty-first century by the Koch Foundation State Policy Networks (SPN). In this case, state organizations were created, rightwing politicians were supported for key administrative posts in universities, particularly university presidencies, and Boards of Trustees representing huge corporations and banks acted more assertively to destroy the rich diversity of educational experiences that had been inspired by the 1960s.</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">With the rise of the far-rightwing forces around former President Trump, combining corporate elites, religious fundamentalists, extreme free market advocates, and military contractors, the attacks today on education, K through university, have become fierce. Now political puppets have launched attacks on education in state houses and the halls of Congress. Critical Race Theory, rather than being a short-hand description for a body of scholarship, has been redefined as ideology. Politicians running for office talk about the Civil War without mentioning slavery as a root cause. Charges of antisemitism are being used to challenge expressions of intellectual and political points of view on campuses. Presidents at our most prestigious universities, women and persons of color, are attacked for defending academic freedom. The whole edifice of what John Stuart Mill described a long time ago as “the marketplace of ideas” is under assault. To borrow from a book title about the 1950s by Marty Jezer, we are returning to a new “Dark Ages.”</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">It is time for those who oppose racism, exploitation of workers, patriarchy, environmental spoilation, and other social ills to stand up in defense of freedom of speech, education, and the celebration of diversity and debate.</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;"></span></i></b></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjT6Ov2xiSFbqTSbbheimpqcYBrCcFVTqPrGDL39SXpp-lbV7DUw44BDGssDnddhQgYaiUZ5hkTVw4eo8lyDS4FGf2DAPOfbrxk9p3D05gyCeV4qMBlybWxUdK7WjLq859uCGFSCdAN0ZQq79r5Rg0ZoZjb0-AKs3c01izjZwXRhkgHWm0D0ZP2EYdff4g" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="250" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjT6Ov2xiSFbqTSbbheimpqcYBrCcFVTqPrGDL39SXpp-lbV7DUw44BDGssDnddhQgYaiUZ5hkTVw4eo8lyDS4FGf2DAPOfbrxk9p3D05gyCeV4qMBlybWxUdK7WjLq859uCGFSCdAN0ZQq79r5Rg0ZoZjb0-AKs3c01izjZwXRhkgHWm0D0ZP2EYdff4g" width="160" /></a></span></i></b></div><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;"><br /><br /></span></i></b><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">***********************************************************************************</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">The essay is an update and revision of “</span></b><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Higher Education Today: Theory and Practice,” <i>Monthly Review Online, </i>posted on August 10, 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span></b></p><div class="separator" style="background-color: #fff9ee; clear: both; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; text-align: center;"><b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjG3_rnCEEgTRytsbfSGciWcqsy7pQaIefmv_dITZ22nrrRHHF8c30pTEwS0bOS1bbtBvjS4tNv29Tpo5RUZCROXlxPvbUHXy3_uWCFCc0_-iUUhZztFCkrlDmyVLcmdHB6UOALk5uznqXO985TMO65ui_OXFv7at0cr6RE83Qe2a5-n8A2-Wy3B7DN1ns" style="color: #993300; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img alt="" data-original-height="333" data-original-width="445" height="239" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjG3_rnCEEgTRytsbfSGciWcqsy7pQaIefmv_dITZ22nrrRHHF8c30pTEwS0bOS1bbtBvjS4tNv29Tpo5RUZCROXlxPvbUHXy3_uWCFCc0_-iUUhZztFCkrlDmyVLcmdHB6UOALk5uznqXO985TMO65ui_OXFv7at0cr6RE83Qe2a5-n8A2-Wy3B7DN1ns" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="320" /></a></span></b></div><p style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In his presidential address to the Society for the Study of Social Problems in 2000, Robert Perrucci referred to “Galileo’s crime.” He argued that while most claim that Galileo was punished for proposing that the planets moved around the sun, others have pointed out that he was condemned because “he chose to communicate his findings about the earth and the sun, not in Latin, the medium of the educated elite, but in Italian, the public vernacular, </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">parola del popolo</i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">” (Perrucci, 2001).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">This thought, for me, constitutes a parable for the history of higher education as we know it. In my view it is not unfair to suggest that institutions of higher education have always been created and shaped by the interests of the ruling classes and elites in the societies in which they exist. This means they have served to reinforce the economic, political, ideological, and cultural interests of those who created them, funded them, and populated them.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wolff (1970), Berlin (1996), Smith (1974) and others added to this discussion an analysis of how the university changed in the late nineteenth century to serve the needs of rising industrial capitalism in Europe and North America. The university shifted in the direction of serving new masters: from the clerics and judges to the capitalists. Plans were instituted in elite universities to develop “departments,” compartmentalizing knowledge so it could be fashioned for use in research and development, human relations, making the modern corporation more efficient, developing communications and accounting skills, and developing good citizens. Elite universities initiated the changes that made higher education more compatible with and an instrumentality of modern capitalism. The model then “trickled down” to less prestigious universities, which in the end became even more effective developers and purveyors of knowledge for use in capitalist societies.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wolff quoted </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=DjrTK9v-o2YC&pg=PA113" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Clark Kerr</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, the former president of the University of California system and the target of the student movement in that state in the 1960s, who hinted at this theme of connectedness between certain societal needs, power, and education, and a parallelism between the era of the industrial revolution and the quarter century after World War II.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">“The American University is currently undergoing its second great transformation. The first occurred during roughly the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when the land grant movement and German intellectualism were together bringing extraordinary change. The current transformation will cover roughly the quarter century after World War II. The university is being called upon to educate previously un-imagined numbers of students; to respond to the expanding claims of national service; to merge its activities with industry as never before; to adapt to and rechannel new intellectual currents. By the end of this period, there will be a truly American university; an institution unique in world history, an institution not looking to other models but serving, itself, as a model for universities in other parts of the globe.” (Wolff, 33-34)</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">For Kerr, the modern “multiversity,” responding to the needs of society as reflected in federal and corporate research funding, was obliged to produce scientists, engineers, and doctors. This university, he said, was “a model” for higher education around the world.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">During World War II and the cold war, the modern university served powerful new masters. As Charles Wilson, president of General Motors, advocated in 1946, there was a need to maintain the coalition of forces that defeated fascism in Europe and Japanese imperialism in Asia to stave off new threats to U.S. and global capitalism <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">and</span></i> to forestall a return to the grim Depression economy of the 1930s. To do that, Wilson said, we needed to justify the need for government (particularly the defense department), corporate, and university collaboration, a collaboration that did so much to secure victory during the war. He once referred to his vision as “a permanent war economy” (Jezer, 31). </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">As the post-war years unfolded, that justification was created, the threat of international communism. The military, defense-related corporations, and research institutions had a reason to work together: to lobby for dollars, do the research, produce the technologies, train future scientists and engineers for the cold war, and educate the broader non-technically trained population in and out of the university to accept the basic parameters of the cold war struggle.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Giroux claimed that in Eisenhower’s first draft of his famous farewell address he refers to a “military-industrial-academic complex.” In it Eisenhower recalled that in prior days scientists tinkered in their laboratories with experiments that intrigued them. Now, because of huge costs, of course, scholarship and research required federal and corporate dollars. But, and here is the warning, “. . . the prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is gravely to be regarded.” Later in the 1960s, J. William Fulbright, former senator from Arkansas, warning about the influences of defense spending and the arms industry, wrote that “In lending itself too much to the purposes of government, a university fails its higher purpose” (Giroux, 14-15).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">What kind of generalizations can be derived from these formative statements; the variety of literatures of more recent vintage, such as those by theorists such as Giroux; and our observations of universities, curricula, and academic professions?</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">First, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">higher education remains subject to, influenced by, and financially beholden to governments and corporations. These influences profoundly shape what professors and graduate students teach and research.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Second,</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> as history shows, conceptions of disciplines, fields, bodies of knowledge, appropriate methods, fundamental truths pervasive in disciplines (rational choice in economics and the pursuit of power in political science) and <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">the academic organization of universities </span></i>are shaped by economic interest and political power.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Third,</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> the sociology of professions — professional associations, journals, peer review, the validation of professional work, definitions of the substance of courses, dominant paradigms governing disciplines — is largely shaped by economic and political interest.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Fourth</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, in the main, the university as an institution is, and has always been, designed to serve the interests of the status quo, a status quo, again governed by economic and political interest.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Discourse and Contradiction in Higher Education</span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">It would be a mistake to leave the impression that all that the university does is diabolical, even as it is shaped by and serves the dominant economic and political interests in society. Within the confines of what Thomas Kuhn called “normal science,” researchers and educators have made enormous contributions to social advancement in scholarship and human development. However, the argument here is that the university as we should see it does serve some more centrally than others. But even this is not the whole story.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">There emerged over the centuries and decades a view that this institution, the university, should have a special place in society. It should be, as Lasch referred to the family, “a haven in a heartless world.” Through its seclusion, professors could reflect critically on their society and develop knowledge that could be productively used to solve human puzzles and problems. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">The Galileo case suggests he was punished for his theoretical and communications transgressions by the academic hierarchy of his day. More recently, scholars such as Scott Nearing were fired for opposing World War I, and over the years hundreds more for being communists, eccentrics, radicals of one sort or another, or for challenging accepted professional paradigms. Of particular virulence have been periods of “red scares,” when faculty who taught and/or engaged in activism outside some mainstream were labeled “communists,” which by definition meant they were traitors to the United States.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In response to the ideal of the free-thinking scholar who must have the freedom to pursue her/his work, professional organizations and unions embraced and defended the idea of “academic freedom.” Academic freedom proclaimed that researchers and teachers had the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge in their field unencumbered by political constraints and various efforts to silence them and their work. To encourage young scholars to embrace occupations in higher education and to encourage diversity of views, most universities in the United States gave lip service to academic freedom and in the main sought to protect the principle in the face of attacks on the university in general and controversial scholars in particular.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">During periods of controversy and conflict in society at large, universities have become “contested terrain.” That is external pressures on universities lead administrators to act in ways to stifle controversy and dissent. The targets of that dissent and their supporters, and students and colleagues at large, raise their voices in protest of efforts to squelch it. Interestingly enough, the university, which on the one hand serves outside interests, on the other hand, prizes independence from outside interests.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><a name="_Hlk155279030"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Red Scares in Higher Education</span></b></a><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black;"><v:shape alt="No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities" id="Picture_x0020_2" o:spid="_x0000_i1026" style="height: 172.25pt; visibility: visible; width: 108pt;" type="#_x0000_t75"><v:imagedata o:title=" McCarthyism and the Universities" src="file:///C:/Users/Owner/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image002.jpg"></v:imagedata></v:shape></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="background-color: #fff9ee; clear: both; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; text-align: center;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhsi6DuZMgKk4G9FSPq_L9SWPPbmziXKpourkpsA6c-g6fOi49FYdtsWr6lxdqB4k2EatrgHDpjW9zJYVvDEB-xDIta1kLAL-y2zIpBuEhufUzoeOYjsIZEPF8Q_9GqYcWutg-0_NBKBE9Ak7LV2uaqqxg5pOsSZ8g1aFdXTR-2Fnoj9ZnvFm3MFRjpq3I" style="color: #993300; margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em; text-decoration-line: none;"><img alt="" data-original-height="359" data-original-width="225" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhsi6DuZMgKk4G9FSPq_L9SWPPbmziXKpourkpsA6c-g6fOi49FYdtsWr6lxdqB4k2EatrgHDpjW9zJYVvDEB-xDIta1kLAL-y2zIpBuEhufUzoeOYjsIZEPF8Q_9GqYcWutg-0_NBKBE9Ak7LV2uaqqxg5pOsSZ8g1aFdXTR-2Fnoj9ZnvFm3MFRjpq3I" style="background: rgb(255, 255, 255); border: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); box-shadow: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.1) 1px 1px 5px; padding: 5px; position: relative;" width="150" /></a></span></div><span style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><br /></span></span><p style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Ellen Schrecker documented the enormous impact that the red scare of the 1940s and 1950s had on higher education in her book, <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities</span></i> (1988)<i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">. </span></i> She interviewed academic victims of McCarthyite attacks on faculty at prestigious universities. They were subpoenaed to testify before state legislative or Congressional committees about their former political affiliations and associations. As was the requirements of the times, those ordered to testify could not just admit to their own political activities but were required to give witness against others who they may have known.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Some victims were former members of the Communist Party, others were signatories to petitions supporting the Spanish loyalists during their civil war, and still others had supported banning atomic weapons. The most troubling element of the red scare story was the fact that university administrations refused to defend those of their faculty attacked and in fact, as she reports, some university officials demanded that their faculty cooperate with the investigatory committees. Her subjects reported that they received little or no support from administrators because officials wished to protect their universities from funding reductions.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Education in various fields, because of political threats, began to reject 1930s and 1940s thinking, which was shaped by the labor and other struggles of the Depression era. Literature shifted from privileging proletarian novels to the “new criticism,” separating “the text” from historical contexts. History began to highlight consensus-building rather than conflict. Sociology shifted from class struggle/stratification models of society to “structural functional” approaches. Political science rejected theories that emphasized “elitism” and institutional approaches to emphasizing “pluralism,” in political processes. For political science, text books asserted, every citizen in a “democracy” could somehow participate in political decision-making.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In other words, the military-industrial-academic complex shaped personnel recruitment and retention <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">and</span></i> the substance of research and teaching. Some new disciplines, such as Soviet studies, were funded and rewarded at selected universities and the scholars trained at these institutions then secured jobs elsewhere. Thus, an anti-communist lens on the world was propagated. Disciplines with more ready access to research dollars — from engineering to psychology — defined their research agendas to comport with government and corporate needs.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In response to the university in the “permanent military economy,” students in the 1960s began to demand new scholarship and education. Opposition to the Vietnam War particularly stimulated demands on professors to rethink the historical character and motivation of United States foreign policy. William Appleman Williams and his students, the so-called revisionists, articulated a view that the United States practiced imperialism ever since it became an industrial power. Classrooms where international relations and foreign policy were taught became “contested terrain” for argumentation and debate between the older and more benign view of the U.S. role in the world and the view of the U.S. as imperial power. Dependency and world system theories gained prominence.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">The contestations spread. Students demanded more diverse and complicated analyses of race and racism in America, patriarchy and sexism in gender relations, and working-class history. Every discipline and every dominant paradigm was subjected to challenge. The challenges were also reflected in radical caucuses in professional associations and even in some of the more upright (and “uptight”) signature professional journals. As a result there was a diminution of red scares in higher education, for a time.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">But the spirit of debate in the academy diminished after the Vietnam War and especially after Ronald Reagan became president. Reagan brought back militant cold war policies, radically increased military expenditures, declared Vietnam a “noble cause,” and developed a sustained campaign to crush dissent and reduce the strength of the labor movement. The climate on campus to some degree returned to the 1950s.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">However, a whole generation of 60s-trained academics were now tenured faculty at universities around the country. They had institutionalized programs in African American Studies, Women’s Studies, Peace Studies, and Middle East Studies. Critical theorists populated education schools, American Studies programs, and other pockets of the university. These faculty continued the debate with keepers of dominant paradigms, created interdisciplinary programs, and developed programs shaped by key social issues such as racism, class exploitation, gender discrimination, and war.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">But by the 1990s, a new red scare was surfacing. Some conservative academics and their constituencies talked about declining standards brought by the new programs. Others criticized what they regarded as an insufficiently rosy view of United States history. They claimed that the United States was being unfairly condemned for being complicit, for example, in a holocaust against Native Americans or because slavery and racism were central to the history of the country. They formed academic associations and interest groups to defend against critical scholarship.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Then David Horowitz came along. Overseeing a multi-million-dollar foundation funded by rightwing groups, Horowitz launched a campaign to purify academia of those who have records of teaching, research, and publication that he saw as unduly critical of the United States, ruling political or economic elites, or the global political economy. He opposed those scholar-activists who participated in political movements or in any way connected their professional life with their political lives. And he opposed those academics who participated in academic programs that were interdisciplinary, problem-focused, and not tied to traditional fields of study. He published a book in 2006, <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America</span></i> (2006)<i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; padding: 0in;">, </span></i>in which he presented distorted profiles of illustrative faculty whom he believed had violated academic standards because of a variety of transgressions. Most of those identified either engaged in political activity and/or participated in interdisciplinary scholarly programs that he found offensive: Middle East Studies, Women’s Studies, African-American Studies, American Studies, and Peace Studies.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In conjunction with campaigns led by Lynn Cheney, the former vice-president’s wife, and Senator Joe Lieberman, senator from Connecticut, an organization called the American Council of Trustees and Alumni was created. As Giroux summarized it, “. . . ACTA actively supported policing classroom knowledge, monitoring curricula, and limiting the autonomy of teachers and students as part of its larger assault on academic freedom” Giroux, 162).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Horowitz, ACTA, and others who attacked the university targeted visible academics for scrutiny and persecution. Ward Churchill, a provocative professor of Ethnic Studies, at the University of Colorado, was fired after a university committee was created to review his scholarship because of controversial remarks he made off campus. Norman Finkelstein, a DePaul University political scientist who had written several books critical of interpreters of Israeli history and foreign policy, was denied tenure after a coordinated attack from outside his university led by Harvard Law Professor Alan Dershowitz. Distinguished political scientists John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt have been the subject of vitriol and false charges of antisemitism because they published a long essay and book analyzing the “Israeli lobby.”</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">This latest red scare against higher education had failures and successes. Horowitz had a visible presence on national cable television and radio. He used it to attack some of the 101 dangerous professors. However, his supporters were not able to get any of their legislative proposals to restrict academic freedom accepted. But, the new red scare reinforced and legitimized the dominant paradigms in various academic disciples and created an environment of intellectual caution in the academy. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">The attacks on universities and academic freedom rose again with the rise of the Tea Party and the movement around Donald Trump. Similarly the Koch Foundation machine relaunched its assault on higher education: attacking intellectual paradigms such as Critical Race Theory, calling for an end to tenure, shifting the academic workforce to more vulnerable adjunct teachers, cutting programs in the Liberal Arts where discussions of social, economic, and political issues are more likely to be discussed, and raising claims about how higher education should concentrate on Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) not the humanities.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">And now, in 2023-2024 Congressional committees level salacious attacks on university presidents (three women) using false claims that these presidents somehow supported antisemitism and in the case of the former President of Harvard engaged in plagiarism.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">For an informed discussion of the current political attacks on the university presidents see; </span><a href="https://www.democracynow.org/2024/1/3/harvard_president_claudine_gay_resigns" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">https://www.democracynow.org/2024/1/3/harvard_president_claudine_gay_resigns</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Conclusion</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">We have seen that the university historically has reflected and represented whatever ruling classes were prevalent at a given point in time. We have also seen that the university has been a site of contestation defined by the principle of academic freedom which justifies critical thought, pedagogy, and practice. In this latter regard, Giroux points out, the university has been an uncommon institution in modern life where full democratic participation in dialogue and critical reflection could take place. The university (its educators) must use this democratic space to engage students in reflection about the pursuit of peace in this violent world, and the striving for social and economic justice and against racism, sexism, and economic inequality. The future of humanity is at stake.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">References</span></b><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Aronowitz, Stanley, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=NasScoSACBEC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Knowledge Factory: Dismantling the Corporate University and Creating True Higher Education</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Beacon, 2001.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Berlin, James. A., </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=qu0Suf7GAoEC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures, Refiguring College English Studies</span></i></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, National Council of Teachers of Education, 1996.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Camus, Albert, </span><a href="http://www.powells.com/biblio/1-9780679733843-10" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Vintage, 1992.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=W4p8-BAs0dcC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism, 1945-60</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> University of Illinois, 1995.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Friere, Paulo, </span><a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xfFXFD414ioC&hl=en" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Pedagogy of the Oppressed</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Continuum International Publishing Group, 2000.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Giroux, Henry, </span><a href="http://www.paradigmpublishers.com/Books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=168000" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The University in Chains</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Paradigm, 2007.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Goodman, Paul, </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/10836508" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Compulsory Mis-Education and the Community of Scholars</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Vintage, 1964.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Gramsci, Antonio, </span><a href="http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Selections From the Prison Notebooks</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> International Publishers, 1971, 10.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Horowitz, David, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=CYqZjtVp00AC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Regnery, 2006.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Illich, Ivan, </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/22977178" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Deschooling Society: Social Questions</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Marion Boyais Publishers, 1999.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Jezer, Marty, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=ePGjS4X1TesC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Dark Ages: Life in the United States, 1945-1960</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> South End Press, 1982.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kohl, Herbert, </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/60463348" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">36 Children</span></i></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, Plume, 1988.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Kozol, Jonathan, </span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Death-at-Early-Age-Plume/dp/0452262925" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Death at an Early Age</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Bantam, 1968.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Malcolm X, </span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Autobiography-Malcolm-X-MALCOLM/dp/0345379756" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Autobiography of Malcolm X</span></i></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, Grove Press, 1965.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">McLaren, Peter, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=IrzwoZgQC1MC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Che Guevara, Paulo Friere, and the Pedagogy of Revolution</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Rowman and Littlefield, 2000.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Mills, C. Wright, </span><a href="http://www.marxists.org/subject/humanism/mills-c-wright/power-elite.htm" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Power Elite</span></i></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, Oxford, 1959.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Mumford, Lewis, </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/isbn/015688254X" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Technics and Civilization</span></i></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, Harvest, 1963.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Perrucci, Robert, </span><a href="http://caliber.ucpress.net/doi/abs/10.1525/sp.2001.48.2.159" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">“Inventing Social Justice: SSSP and the Twenty-First Century,” </span></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Social Problems, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">May, 2001, 159-167.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Schrecker, Ellen, </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/13425990" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Oxford, 1988.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Smith, David N., </span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/828032" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Who Rules the Universities? An Essay on Class Analysis</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Monthly Review, 1974.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Students for a Democratic Society, “The Port Huron Statement,” in Alexander Bloom and Win Breines, </span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Takin-streets-Sixties-Reader/dp/019514290X" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">‘Takin It to the Streets,’</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;"> </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Oxford, 1995.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Williams, William Appleman, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=ZUS7t8Af-i4C" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Tragedy of American Diplomacy</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Delta, 1972.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Wolff, Robert Paul, </span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=kGqF22Zv08IC" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The Idea of the University</span></i></a><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">,</span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> Beacon, 1970.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><o:p></o:p></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></p><div class="separator" style="background-color: #fff9ee; clear: both; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px; text-align: center;"><br /></div><div><br /></div><span style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 15.4px;"></span>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-50651277209483736062024-01-13T20:19:00.013-05:002024-01-13T20:25:12.654-05:00ISRAELI GENOCIDE GOES BACK A LONG WAY: two short comments from 15 years ago<p> Harry Targ</p><h2 class="date-header" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 11px; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: transparent; letter-spacing: inherit; margin: inherit; padding: inherit;">Tuesday, January 6, 2009</span></h2><div class="date-posts" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 14px;"><div class="post-outer"><div class="post hentry uncustomized-post-template" itemprop="blogPost" itemscope="itemscope" itemtype="http://schema.org/BlogPosting" style="margin: 0px 0px 25px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><a name="8172361517424336251"></a><h3 class="post-title entry-title" itemprop="name" style="font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 24px; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; font-weight: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0.75em 0px 0px; position: relative;">Israeli Genocide?</h3><div><br /></div><div><br /></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiimZ0cbOdqfh3b8J8tC1ua3dkJh1uuk9aOp7Q7hAJF0gKmyfLEngbSSjUTRty7HNSwLPewJ0ERxQ-0GLtU2V63E8JuXhikBtzBQd8V3iIk7FDjWgpsn_hk1RwdP7TMZBCF9hwynwVYvBVKuJcXBJKGv_tgV2BHfNMVzgSv1J74udjMZA21cCykEk1NBu0" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="800" data-original-width="1200" height="213" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEiimZ0cbOdqfh3b8J8tC1ua3dkJh1uuk9aOp7Q7hAJF0gKmyfLEngbSSjUTRty7HNSwLPewJ0ERxQ-0GLtU2V63E8JuXhikBtzBQd8V3iIk7FDjWgpsn_hk1RwdP7TMZBCF9hwynwVYvBVKuJcXBJKGv_tgV2BHfNMVzgSv1J74udjMZA21cCykEk1NBu0" width="320" /></a></div><br /><span style="font-size: 15.4px;">Dear Editors,</span></div><div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-8172361517424336251" itemprop="description articleBody" style="font-size: 15.4px; line-height: 1.4; position: relative; width: 570px;"><br />Is Israel Committing Genocide?<br /><br />Below is the language of Article 2 of the United Nations Convention on Genocide initiated in 1948. Is there any doubt that the government of Israel is engaging in genocidal policies against the Palestinian people in the Gaza strip?<br /><br />“In the present Convention, genocide means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group, as such:<br /><br /><a name="Article_2.1">(a) Killing members of the group;</a><br /><a name="Article_2.2">(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group;</a><br /><a name="Article_2.3">(c) Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;</a><br /><a name="Article_2.4">(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group;</a><br /><a name="Article_2.5">(e) Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.</a>”<br /><br />Both Israel and the United States are signatories to the Genocide Convention. However, the Bush administration is fully supportive of Israel’s policies.<br /><br />President Elect Barack Obama must be called upon to condemn the Israeli killing.<br /><br />Harry Targ<br />West Lafayette</div></div></div></div><h2 class="date-header" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Arial, Tahoma, Helvetica, FreeSans, sans-serif; font-feature-settings: normal; font-kerning: auto; font-optical-sizing: auto; font-size: 11px; font-stretch: normal; font-variant-alternates: normal; font-variant-east-asian: normal; font-variant-numeric: normal; font-variant-position: normal; font-variation-settings: normal; line-height: normal; margin: 0px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><span style="background-color: transparent; letter-spacing: inherit; margin: inherit; padding: inherit;">Thursday, March 5, 2009</span></h2><div class="date-posts" style="background-color: #fff9ee; color: #222222; font-family: Georgia, Utopia, "Palatino Linotype", Palatino, serif; font-size: 14px;"><div class="post-outer"><div class="post hentry uncustomized-post-template" itemprop="blogPost" itemscope="itemscope" itemtype="http://schema.org/BlogPosting" style="margin: 0px 0px 25px; min-height: 0px; position: relative;"><a name="7692731370783152250"></a><div class="post-header" style="font-size: 12.6px; line-height: 1.6; margin: 0px 0px 1.5em;"><div class="post-header-line-1"></div></div><div class="post-body entry-content" id="post-body-7692731370783152250" itemprop="description articleBody" style="font-size: 15.4px; line-height: 1.4; position: relative; width: 570px;"><strong>Misconceptions of the Middle East<br /></strong>A Panel Discussion<br />March 3, 2009<br /><br />Comments by Harry Targ<br /><br /><em>Introduction<br /></em><br />We are all gripped by the growing economic crisis. Americans see that crisis as originating in the United States in the recent past and resonating around the world; first us, then Europe, then the countries of the Global South. This frame on the global economic crisis has even begun to extend to public discussion of issues of national security and political/military stability.<br /><br />For example, Dennis C. Blair, president Obama’s new Director of National Intelligence, testified before Congress on Thursday, February 12 warning that global economic turmoil and possible political instability brought about by it could surpass terrorism as the number one threat to the United States. In addition, Blair said, the economic crisis would threaten the reputation of the United States’ “stewardship of the global economy.” Finally, the New York Times quoted Blair as suggesting that the economic downturn was “the primary near term security concern” and that if it continued it would imperil some governments (New York Times, February 13, 2009).<br /><br />What I found constructive about this statement was that, for the first time in a long time, a US security spokesperson recognized a connection between economic wellbeing and political stability. By implication, if a bit of a stretch, it suggested that peoples around the world, as well as at home, had deep-seated and legitimate economic concerns.<br /><br />What was less constructive was the suggestion that the economic crisis at home was recent; that economic crisis around the globe is a byproduct of the recent crisis at home; and that ordinarily there had been “US stewardship of the global economy.”<br /><br /><em>Recent Global Economic Context</em><br /><br />I would like to suggest that, with some significant exceptions, most of the peoples of the globe have been living in economic crisis for at least thirty years and this long-term economic crisis has to be factored into any discussion of conflicts as seemingly intractable as that of the Middle East.<br /><br />Looking at the last third of the twentieth century, Canadian economist James Davies, wrote in a study prepared by the World Institute for Development Economics Research released in 2006 that “income inequality has been rising for the past 20 to 25 years and we think that is true for inequality in the distribution of wealth.” In 2,000 the study showed, the top 1 percent of the world’s population accounted for 40 percent of the world’s total net worth, with the bottom half owning 1.1 percent. Edward Wolff, another economist participating in the study wrote that “”With the notable exception of China and India, the third world has drifted behind.” (New York Times, December 6, 2006).<br /><br />The starkest interpretation of this kind of data was reflected in a 2003 article by Egyptian economist, Samir Amin, who claimed that the global economy is creating what he called “the precarious classes,” both in agriculture and manufacturing, who cannot count on day-to-day remunerative activity to survive. He estimates that 2/ 3 to ¾ of humankind are among the “precarious classes.”<br /><br /><em>Relevance to the Middle East<br /></em><br />A financial publication called “Arab Banker” printed a summary of a World Bank study called “Two Years After London: Restarting Palestinian Economic Recovery” in 2007. The World Bank, the Arab Banker, and other sources indicated the following alarming data:<br /><br />-the percentage of Gazans living in poverty has been steadily increasing from 1998 (21.6%) to 2006 (35%).<br />-Israeli policies isolating Gaza from the Israeli and global economy-work, imports, exports- made matters worse.<br />-without remittances and food aid the poverty rate in Gaza has risen to 67% since Israeli and US policies were put in place to punish the Hamas regime.<br />-restrictions on Gaza’s access to the global economy has led since 2006 to 90% decline of Gaza’s industrial operations.<br />-In 2007 95% of Gaza’s industrial operations were suspended due to an Israeli import-export ban<br />-industrial employment declined from 35,000 in 2005 to 4,200 in 2007<br /><br />In addition, economic data on Israel and the occupied territories suggests that West Bank and Gaza gross national product per capita has been about 10 percent of that of Israel. In sum, the global distribution of wealth and income referred to above has been replicated in Israel and Palestine.<br /><br />Let me just add two pieces of information about the United States to this condition of pain and suffering. First, as a recent Amnesty International report suggests, the United States has been Israel’s predominant military supplier for years. AI noted that under a current 10-year agreement, the US will provide $30 billion in military aid over the next 10 years. (AI has called for an arms embargo of weapons supplied to both Israel and Palestinian armed groups, who receive aid from Russia, Iran, China, and various underground sources).<br /><br />Finally, the University of Maryland’s Program on International Policy Attitudes recently reported some findings of an attitude study that they carried out in seven predominantly Muslim countries and the Palestinian territories. Majorities in all these countries supported the US removing its bases and military forces from Islamic countries. In addition, they approved of attacks on US troops in Iraq and elsewhere in the Gulf and Afghanistan. However, only very small minorities approved attacks on American civilians and generally respondents opposed the use of violence to achieve religious or political goals. The authors say the respondents agree with al Qaeda’s goal of forcing the US to withdraw from the region but they disagree with their methods. And large percentages see the US as wanting to expand Israeli borders in the region even though 59% of Palestinians said the US wants to create a Palestinian state.<br /><br /><em>What Does This Mean?<br /></em><br />First, I would argue that Intelligence Director Blair is largely correct. Violence and political instability in the world is intimately connected with economic wellbeing. What he does not mention is that the economic crisis we face today in the United States and the industrial capitalist world, is a crisis that countries of the Global South have experienced at least since the 1970s. He, and most pundits, refuse to articulate the view that violence in a multitude of forms is connected to the lack of economic justice.<br /><br />Second, data suggests clearly that in the occupied territories the notion of “precariousness” is an apt way to describe the condition and daily consciousness of Palestinian peoples. Shifting currents in Palestinian politics, I hypothesize, are also connected to patterns of economic growth and decay. In the 1950s and 1960s, secular leaders in the Arab world, including Palestinians, offered a vision of economic change for their people that was processed in Washington, and European capitals as threatening to dominant economic interests. Paradoxically, the US began to support alternative political currents in the region with a religious agenda, such as the followers of Osama Bin Laden in Afghanistan and Hamas in Palestine. Subsequently, these groups, in their words and, to some extent, in their deeds more effectively respond to the sense of economic injustice that peoples like the Palestinians experience.<br /><br />There is no easy solution but the United States and other wealthy countries must participant in a disinterested economic reconstruction of the occupied territories. Only that will break the back of anger, mutual hatred, and the kind of political instability Dennis Blair was talking about.<br /><br />In addition, Israel must be prevailed upon to share the land and resources of the region. Economic development must be coupled with economic justice for all.<div style="clear: both;"></div></div><div class="post-footer" style="background-color: #eee9dd; border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(238, 238, 238); color: #666555; font-size: 12.6px; line-height: 1.6; margin: 20px -2px 0px; padding: 5px 10px;"><div class="post-footer-line post-footer-line-1"><span class="post-author vcard" style="margin-left: 0px; margin-right: 1em;"></span><span class="post-timestamp" style="margin-left: -1em; margin-right: 1em;">at <a class="timestamp-link" href="https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/2009/03/misconceptions-of-middle-east-panel.html" rel="bookmark" style="color: #993300; text-decoration-line: none;" title="permanent link"><abbr class="published" itemprop="datePublished" style="border: none;" title="2009-03-05T13:04:00-05:00">March 05, 2009</abbr></a> </span><span class="post-comment-link" style="margin-right: 1em;"></span><span class="post-icons" style="margin-right: 1em;"><span class="item-action"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/email-post.g?blogID=4153726770392245772&postID=7692731370783152250" style="color: #993300; 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background-clip: initial; background-color: initial; background-origin: initial; background-position: -100px 0px; background-repeat: no-repeat; background-size: initial; background: url("/img/share_buttons_20_3.png") -100px 0px no-repeat !important; color: #993300; display: inline-block; height: 20px; margin-left: -1px; overflow: hidden; position: relative; text-decoration-line: none; width: 20px;" target="_blank" title="Share to Pinterest"><span class="share-button-link-text" style="display: block; text-indent: -9999px;">Share to Pinterest</span></a></div></div></div></div></div></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-13197453317140342332024-01-12T11:15:00.007-05:002024-01-12T11:17:11.445-05:00Martin Luther King and the Civil Rights and Labor AllianceMartin Luther King and the Civil Rights and Labor Alliance<br />by Harry R Targ (originally posted on January 13, 2009)<div><br /></div><div><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh5T95ZAojpxDwdvVXJhDEhjKrzy1wvJ533c7OaJpMgsd9P4q6RXlLC_bIOuGCENCUfqpjDwrCviQfdMIwNJgKqATTBH7_jhIsRNXSDEh1CsufVyeA_vVBtxhqjIsntEx1wAOTbl0pQjqvnSr1rPblrkcyGd4zMbcTBUbIwBZDFyC6hptDEa-gK8iKiC2E" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="484" data-original-width="635" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh5T95ZAojpxDwdvVXJhDEhjKrzy1wvJ533c7OaJpMgsd9P4q6RXlLC_bIOuGCENCUfqpjDwrCviQfdMIwNJgKqATTBH7_jhIsRNXSDEh1CsufVyeA_vVBtxhqjIsntEx1wAOTbl0pQjqvnSr1rPblrkcyGd4zMbcTBUbIwBZDFyC6hptDEa-gK8iKiC2E" width="315" /></a></div><br /><br />Dr. King arrived in Memphis on March 18, 1968 to support the sanitation workers of that city who had been on strike for five weeks. These workers had many grievances that forced them to protest. Garbage workers had no access to bathroom or shower facilities. They were not issued any protective clothing for their job. There were no eating areas separate from garbage. Also sanitation workers had no pension or retirement program and no entitlement to workers compensation. Their wages were very low. Shortly before the strike began two workers died on the job and the families of the deceased received only $500 in compensation from the city. Finally, after Black workers were sent home for the day because of bad weather and received only two hours pay they walked off the job.<br /><br />On March 28, 10 days after King arrived, violence disrupted a march led by him. He left the city but returned on April 4 to lead a second march. On that fateful April day, King told Jerry Wurf, president of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees or AFSCME: "What is going on here in Memphis is important to every poor working man, black or white, in the South." That evening Martin Luther King was killed by a sniper's bullet.<br /><br />It was logical for King to be in Memphis to support garbage workers. Despite a sometimes rocky relationship between the civil rights and labor movements, King knew that black and white workers' struggles for economic justice were indivisible; that civil rights could not be realized in a society where great differences in wealth and income existed, and where life expectancies, educational opportunities, and the quality of jobs varied by class, by race, and by gender. The more progressive and far-sighted leaders and rank-and-file union members in the AFL-CIO knew it too. At the time of King's death working people were coming together to struggle for positive social change around the banner of the Poor People's Campaign.<br /><br />Dr. King's thinking on the need for an alliance between the civil rights and labor movements was expressed many times. As far back as 1957 at a convention of the United Packinghouse Workers of American (UPWA) he asserted that "organized labor can be one of the most powerful instruments in putting an end to discrimination and segregation."<br /><br />During an organizing effort of the Hospital Workers Local 1199 in the fall of 1964, King was a featured speaker at a fundraising rally. He said of the 1199 struggle," Your great organizing crusade to win union and human rights for New Jersey hospital workers is part and parcel of the struggle we are conducting in the Deep South. I want to congratulate your union for charting a road for all labor to follow-dedication to the cause of the underpaid and exploited workers in our nation." Shortly after, Dr. King left a picket line of Newark hospital workers on strike to fly to Oslo, Norway to receive the Nobel Prize.<br /><br />Upon his return from Norway, King returned to the picket line; this time in support of Black women workers of the Chemical Workers union at the Scripto Pen Plant in Atlanta. He said there: "Along with the struggle to desegregate, we must engage in the struggle for better jobs. The same system that exploits the Negro exploits the poor white..."<br /><br />At the Negro American Labor Council convention of June, 1965 King called for a new movement to achieve "a better distribution of wealth within this country for all of God's children." In February, 1966, King spoke to Chicago labor leaders during his crusade for the end to racism and poverty in that city. He called on the labor movement which had provided techniques and methods, and financial support crucial to civil rights victories to join in the war on poverty and slums in Chicago. Such an effort in Chicago, he said, would show that a Black and labor alliance could be of relevance to solving nationwide problems of unemployment, poverty, and automation.<br /><br />One year before his death, King spoke at another meeting of Hospital Workers 1199. He said a closer alliance was needed between labor and civil rights activists to achieve the "more difficult" task of economic equality. The civil rights movement and its allies were moving into a new phase to achieve economic justice, he announced. This would be a more formidable struggle since it was in his words "much more difficult to eradicate a slum than it is to integrate a bus."<br /><br />In early 1968, Dr. King incorporated his opposition to the Vietnam War with his commitment to economic justice. He called for an end to the War and the utilization of societal resources to eliminate poverty. To those ends the Poor People's Campaign was launched. It demanded jobs, a guaranteed annual income for those who could not find work, the construction of 6 million new homes, support for employment in rural areas, new schools to train jobless youth for skilled work, and other measures to end poverty.<br /><br />While preparing the Poor People's Campaign, King got a call to go to Memphis. Before leaving he sent a message to be read at the seventh annual convention of the Negro American Labor Council. He wrote that the Council represented "the embodiment of two great traditions in our nation's history: the best tradition of the organized labor movement and the finest tradition of the Negro Freedom Movement." He urged a black-labor alliance to unite the Black masses and organized labor in a campaign to help solve the "deteriorating economic and social conditions of the Negro community... heavily burdened with both unemployment and underemployment, flagrant job discrimination, and the injustice of unequal education opportunity."<br /><br />Forty years later the social and economic injustices of which Dr. King spoke continue. But so does his vision of a working class movement united in struggle to survive, a movement of Blacks, whites and Latinos, men and women, young and old, and organized and unorganized workers. The times have changed but the importance of Dr King's political vision remains.<br /><br /><em><br /></em></div>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-89133164824004806702024-01-08T15:47:00.019-05:002024-01-10T15:55:42.781-05:00ESSAYS ON THEORY, EDUCATION, AND THE WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST<p><a href=" https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/:w:/g/personal/targ_purdue_edu/EVG_E7u8MwZFsgFSEACD6FUBCpGL2b7PVecmfNTMz2mdIw?email=targ%40purdue.edu&e=4%3AY7W6fv&fromShare=true&at=9&CID=30F20DD2-E6D9-4151-AE4C-540C82A382FD"> </a></p><p></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhuG7jXCTYOt7Pjxr5VEC-j5OgougKIQQP3rSWKX88CuZKG7ErXMBQamefWF_RD2trV0UITEMddBh6T6GMiHJN_irP998isXlwzcLMc5f-oLS4FyEPklaZj-NkiXigQnYB7nc6f_CxHHuaHWKYjT0J86Bk3dDE2yMpPc_dwuaLHe7dzS27SUWqdz-XXHnQ" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="411" data-original-width="781" height="168" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhuG7jXCTYOt7Pjxr5VEC-j5OgougKIQQP3rSWKX88CuZKG7ErXMBQamefWF_RD2trV0UITEMddBh6T6GMiHJN_irP998isXlwzcLMc5f-oLS4FyEPklaZj-NkiXigQnYB7nc6f_CxHHuaHWKYjT0J86Bk3dDE2yMpPc_dwuaLHe7dzS27SUWqdz-XXHnQ" width="320" /></a></div><a href="https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/personal/targ_purdue_edu/Documents/Essays%20on%20War%20in%20the%20Middle%20East.pdf">https://purdue0-my.sharepoint.com/personal/targ_purdue_edu/Documents/Essays%20on%20War%20in%20the%20Middle%20East.pdf</a><p></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.comtag:blogger.com,1999:blog-4153726770392245772.post-32030327220949063282024-01-04T20:17:00.092-05:002024-01-17T10:06:03.589-05:00The Threat to Higher Education Today<div class="soundTitle__titleHeroContainer" style="background-color: #e5e5e5; color: #333333; font-family: Inter, sans-serif; font-size: 12px; margin-bottom: 7px;"><h1 class="soundTitle__title sc-font g-type-shrinkwrap-inline g-type-shrinkwrap-large-primary theme-dark" style="-webkit-box-decoration-break: clone; background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.8); box-sizing: border-box; color: white; display: inline; font-size: 24px; font-weight: 100; line-height: 37px; margin: 0px; max-width: 100%; padding: 4px 7px; position: relative;">2024-01-16-2000- Grass Is Greener - Harry Targ: Higher Education & The Three University Presidents</h1></div><p><span style="background-color: font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span></p><div class="soundTitle__usernameHeroContainer" style="background-color: #e5e5e5; color: #333333; font-family: Inter, sans-serif; font-size: 12px;"><h2 class="soundTitle__username sc-text-h3 g-opacity-transition-500 g-type-shrinkwrap-inline theme-dark g-type-shrinkwrap-large-secondary soundTitle__usernameHero sc-type-medium" style="-webkit-box-decoration-break: clone; background-color: rgba(0, 0, 0, 0.8); color: #cccccc; display: inline; font-size: 16px; font-weight: 100; line-height: 1.2; margin: 0px; padding: 2px 7px 3px; position: relative; transition: opacity 0.5s linear 0s;"><a class="sc-link-secondary" href="https://soundcloud.com/user-240416425" style="text-decoration-line: none;">WXRW riverwestradio.com 104.1fm</a></h2></div><p><span style="background-color: font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span face=""Helvetica",sans-serif" style="mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><a href="https://nam04.safelinks.protection.outlook.com/?url=https%3A%2F%2Fsoundcloud.com%2Fuser-240416425%2F2024-01-16-2000-grass-is-greener-harry-targ-higher-education-the-three-university-presidents&data=05%7C02%7Ctarg%40purdue.edu%7C3d87203b112d4ae06fbf08dc16fc7959%7C4130bd397c53419cb1e58758d6d63f21%7C0%7C0%7C638410520825054938%7CUnknown%7CTWFpbGZsb3d8eyJWIjoiMC4wLjAwMDAiLCJQIjoiV2luMzIiLCJBTiI6Ik1haWwiLCJXVCI6Mn0%3D%7C3000%7C%7C%7C&sdata=AhLhueAxLlbIHNcmbAxDnMp5n9SBpJHLW5nEqHQw3sI%3D&reserved=0" target="_blank">https://soundcloud.com/user-240416425/2024-01-16-2000-grass-is-greener-harry-targ-higher-education-the-three-university-presidents</a>
<o:p></o:p></span></p><p><span style="font-size: 12pt;">Harry Targ</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">The article below was prepared fifteen years ago, shortly after David
Horowitz launched yet another assault on higher education. He and a variety of
organizations such as the National Association of Scholars (NAS) sought to
purge higher education of critical thought.</span></i></b><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Another round of more sophisticated and highly resourced attacks on
higher education were expanded in the twenty-first century by the Koch
Foundation State Policy Networks (SPN). In this case, state organizations were
created, rightwing politicians were supported for key administrative posts in
universities, particularly university presidencies, and Boards of Trustees
representing huge corporations and banks acted more assertively to destroy the
rich diversity of educational experiences that had been inspired by the 1960s.</span></i></b><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">With the rise of the far-rightwing forces around former President Trump,
combining corporate elites, religious fundamentalists, extreme free market
advocates, and military contractors, the attacks today on education, K through
university, have become fierce. Now political puppets have launched attacks on
education in state houses and the halls of Congress. Critical Race Theory,
rather than being a short-hand description for a body of scholarship, has been
redefined as ideology. Politicians running for office talk about the Civil War
without mentioning slavery as a root cause. Charges of antisemitism are being
used to challenge expressions of intellectual and political points of view on campuses.
Presidents at our most prestigious universities, women and persons of color,
are attacked for defending academic freedom. The whole edifice of what John
Stuart Mill described a long time ago as “the marketplace of ideas” is under
assault. To borrow from a book title about the 1950s by Marty Jezer, we are
returning to a new “Dark Ages.”</span></i></b><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">It is time for those who oppose racism, exploitation of workers,
patriarchy, environmental spoilation, and other social ills to stand up in
defense of freedom of speech, education, and the celebration of diversity and
debate.</span></i></b><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">***********************************************************************************</span></i></b><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 13.2pt; margin-bottom: 12pt; mso-outline-level: 1; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"><b><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The essay is an update and revision of “</span></b></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Higher Education Today: Theory and
Practice,” <i>Monthly Review Online, </i>posted on August 10, 2009.<o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: 13.2pt; margin-bottom: 12pt; mso-outline-level: 1; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"></span></b></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155278892;"><b><span style="color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjG3_rnCEEgTRytsbfSGciWcqsy7pQaIefmv_dITZ22nrrRHHF8c30pTEwS0bOS1bbtBvjS4tNv29Tpo5RUZCROXlxPvbUHXy3_uWCFCc0_-iUUhZztFCkrlDmyVLcmdHB6UOALk5uznqXO985TMO65ui_OXFv7at0cr6RE83Qe2a5-n8A2-Wy3B7DN1ns" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="333" data-original-width="445" height="239" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEjG3_rnCEEgTRytsbfSGciWcqsy7pQaIefmv_dITZ22nrrRHHF8c30pTEwS0bOS1bbtBvjS4tNv29Tpo5RUZCROXlxPvbUHXy3_uWCFCc0_-iUUhZztFCkrlDmyVLcmdHB6UOALk5uznqXO985TMO65ui_OXFv7at0cr6RE83Qe2a5-n8A2-Wy3B7DN1ns" width="320" /></a></span></b></span></div><p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In his presidential address to the
Society for the Study of Social Problems in 2000, Robert Perrucci referred to
“Galileo’s crime.” He argued that while most claim that Galileo was
punished for proposing that the planets moved around the sun, others have
pointed out that he was condemned because “he chose to communicate his findings
about the earth and the sun, not in Latin, the medium of the educated elite,
but in Italian, the public vernacular, </span><i style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">parola del popolo</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">”
(Perrucci, 2001).</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">This thought, for me, constitutes a
parable for the history of higher education as we know it. In my view it
is not unfair to suggest that institutions of higher education have always been
created and shaped by the interests of the ruling classes and elites in the
societies in which they exist. This means they have served to reinforce
the economic, political, ideological, and cultural interests of those who
created them, funded them, and populated them.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Wolff (1970), Berlin (1996), Smith
(1974) and others added to this discussion an analysis of how the university
changed in the late nineteenth century to serve the needs of rising industrial
capitalism in Europe and North America. The university shifted in the
direction of serving new masters: from the clerics and judges to the
capitalists. Plans were instituted in elite universities to develop
“departments,” compartmentalizing knowledge so it could be fashioned for use in
research and development, human relations, making the modern corporation more
efficient, developing communications and accounting skills, and developing good
citizens. Elite universities initiated the changes that made higher
education more compatible with and an instrumentality of modern
capitalism. The model then “trickled down” to less prestigious
universities, which in the end became even more effective developers and
purveyors of knowledge for use in capitalist societies.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Wolff quoted </span><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext;"><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=DjrTK9v-o2YC&pg=PA113"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Clark
Kerr</span></a></span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, the former president of the
University of California system and the target of the student movement in that
state in the 1960s, who hinted at this theme of connectedness between certain
societal needs, power, and education, and a parallelism between the era of the
industrial revolution and the quarter century after World War II.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">“The American University is currently
undergoing its second great transformation. The first occurred during
roughly the last quarter of the nineteenth century, when the land grant
movement and German intellectualism were together bringing extraordinary
change. The current transformation will cover roughly the quarter century
after World War II. The university is being called upon to educate
previously un-imagined numbers of students; to respond to the expanding claims
of national service; to merge its activities with industry as never before; to
adapt to and rechannel new intellectual currents. By the end of this
period, there will be a truly American university; an institution unique in
world history, an institution not looking to other models but serving, itself,
as a model for universities in other parts of the globe.” (Wolff, 33-34)</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For Kerr, the modern “multiversity,”
responding to the needs of society as reflected in federal and corporate
research funding, was obliged to produce scientists, engineers, and
doctors. This university, he said, was “a model” for higher education
around the world.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">During World War II and the cold war,
the modern university served powerful new masters. As Charles Wilson,
president of General Motors, advocated in 1946, there was a need to maintain
the coalition of forces that defeated fascism in Europe and Japanese
imperialism in Asia to stave off new threats to U.S. and global
capitalism <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">and</span></i> to forestall a return to
the grim Depression economy of the 1930s. To do that, Wilson said, we
needed to justify the need for government (particularly the defense department),
corporate, and university collaboration, a collaboration that did so much to
secure victory during the war. He once referred to his vision as “a
permanent war economy” (Jezer, 31). </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">As the post-war years unfolded, that
justification was created, the threat of international communism. The
military, defense-related corporations, and research institutions had a reason
to work together: to lobby for dollars, do the research, produce the
technologies, train future scientists and engineers for the cold war, and
educate the broader non-technically trained population in and out of the
university to accept the basic parameters of the cold war struggle.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Giroux claimed that in Eisenhower’s
first draft of his famous farewell address he refers to a
“military-industrial-academic complex.” In it Eisenhower recalled that in
prior days scientists tinkered in their laboratories with experiments that
intrigued them. Now, because of huge costs, of course, scholarship and
research required federal and corporate dollars. But, and here is the
warning, “. . . the prospect of domination of the nation’s scholars by Federal
employment, project allocations, and the power of money is ever present and is
gravely to be regarded.” Later in the 1960s, J. William Fulbright, former
senator from Arkansas, warning about the influences of defense spending and the
arms industry, wrote that “In lending itself too much to the purposes of government,
a university fails its higher purpose” (Giroux, 14-15).</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">What kind of generalizations can be
derived from these formative statements; the variety of literatures of more
recent vintage, such as those by theorists such as Giroux; and our observations
of universities, curricula, and academic professions?</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">First, </span></i><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">higher education remains subject to, influenced by, and
financially beholden to governments and corporations. These influences
profoundly shape what professors and graduate students teach and research.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Second,</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> as history shows, conceptions of disciplines, fields,
bodies of knowledge, appropriate methods, fundamental truths pervasive in
disciplines (rational choice in economics and the pursuit of power in political
science) and <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">the academic organization of
universities </span></i>are shaped by economic interest and political
power.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Third,</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;"> the sociology of professions — professional
associations, journals, peer review, the validation of professional work,
definitions of the substance of courses, dominant paradigms governing
disciplines — is largely shaped by economic and political interest.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Fourth</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">, in the main, the university as an institution is, and has
always been, designed to serve the interests of the status quo, a status quo,
again governed by economic and political interest.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt; padding: 0in;">Discourse and Contradiction in Higher
Education</span></b></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">It would be a mistake to leave the
impression that all that the university does is diabolical, even as it is
shaped by and serves the dominant economic and political interests in
society. Within the confines of what Thomas Kuhn called “normal science,”
researchers and educators have made enormous contributions to social
advancement in scholarship and human development. However, the argument
here is that the university as we should see it does serve some more centrally
than others. But even this is not the whole story.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">There emerged over the centuries and
decades a view that this institution, the university, should have a special
place in society. It should be, as Lasch referred to the family, “a haven
in a heartless world.” Through its seclusion, professors could reflect
critically on their society and develop knowledge that could be productively
used to solve human puzzles and problems. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The Galileo case suggests he was
punished for his theoretical and communications transgressions by the academic
hierarchy of his day. More recently, scholars such as Scott Nearing were
fired for opposing World War I, and over the years hundreds more for being
communists, eccentrics, radicals of one sort or another, or for challenging
accepted professional paradigms. Of particular virulence have been
periods of “red scares,” when faculty who taught and/or engaged in activism
outside some mainstream were labeled “communists,” which by definition meant
they were traitors to the United States.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">In response to the ideal of the
free-thinking scholar who must have the freedom to pursue her/his work,
professional organizations and unions embraced and defended the idea of
“academic freedom.” Academic freedom proclaimed that researchers and teachers
had the right to pursue and disseminate knowledge in their field unencumbered
by political constraints and various efforts to silence them and their
work. To encourage young scholars to embrace occupations in higher
education and to encourage diversity of views, most universities in the United
States gave lip service to academic freedom and in the main sought to protect
the principle in the face of attacks on the university in general and
controversial scholars in particular.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">During periods of controversy and
conflict in society at large, universities have become “contested
terrain.” That is external pressures on universities lead administrators
to act in ways to stifle controversy and dissent. The targets of that
dissent and their supporters, and students and colleagues at large, raise their
voices in protest of efforts to squelch it. Interestingly enough, the
university, which on the one hand serves outside interests, on the other hand,
prizes independence from outside interests.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><a name="_Hlk155279030"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Red
Scares in Higher Education</span></b></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;"><o:p></o:p></span></b></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"><v:shape alt="No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities" id="Picture_x0020_2" o:spid="_x0000_i1026" style="height: 172.25pt; mso-wrap-style: square; visibility: visible; width: 108pt;" type="#_x0000_t75">
<v:imagedata o:title=" McCarthyism and the Universities" src="file:///C:/Users/Owner/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image002.jpg">
</v:imagedata></v:shape></span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhsi6DuZMgKk4G9FSPq_L9SWPPbmziXKpourkpsA6c-g6fOi49FYdtsWr6lxdqB4k2EatrgHDpjW9zJYVvDEB-xDIta1kLAL-y2zIpBuEhufUzoeOYjsIZEPF8Q_9GqYcWutg-0_NBKBE9Ak7LV2uaqqxg5pOsSZ8g1aFdXTR-2Fnoj9ZnvFm3MFRjpq3I" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="359" data-original-width="225" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEhsi6DuZMgKk4G9FSPq_L9SWPPbmziXKpourkpsA6c-g6fOi49FYdtsWr6lxdqB4k2EatrgHDpjW9zJYVvDEB-xDIta1kLAL-y2zIpBuEhufUzoeOYjsIZEPF8Q_9GqYcWutg-0_NBKBE9Ak7LV2uaqqxg5pOsSZ8g1aFdXTR-2Fnoj9ZnvFm3MFRjpq3I" width="150" /></a></span></span></div><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><br /></span></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Ellen Schrecker documented the enormous impact that the red
scare of the 1940s and 1950s had on higher education in her book, <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">No Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities</span></i> (1988)<i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">. </span></i> She interviewed academic victims of
McCarthyite attacks on faculty at prestigious universities. They were
subpoenaed to testify before state legislative or Congressional committees
about their former political affiliations and associations. As was the
requirements of the times, those ordered to testify could not just admit to
their own political activities but were required to give witness against others
who they may have known.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">Some victims were former members of the Communist Party,
others were signatories to petitions supporting the Spanish loyalists during
their civil war, and still others had supported banning atomic weapons.
The most troubling element of the red scare story was the fact that university
administrations refused to defend those of their faculty attacked and in fact,
as she reports, some university officials demanded that their faculty cooperate
with the investigatory committees. Her subjects reported that they
received little or no support from administrators because officials wished to
protect their universities from funding reductions.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Education in various fields, because of political threats,
began to reject 1930s and 1940s thinking, which was shaped by the labor and
other struggles of the Depression era. Literature shifted from
privileging proletarian novels to the “new criticism,” separating “the text”
from historical contexts. History began to highlight consensus-building
rather than conflict. Sociology shifted from class
struggle/stratification models of society to “structural functional”
approaches. Political science rejected theories that emphasized “elitism”
and institutional approaches to emphasizing “pluralism,” in political
processes. For political science, text books asserted, <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>every citizen in a “democracy” could somehow
participate in political decision-making.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">In other words, the military-industrial-academic complex
shaped personnel recruitment and retention <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">and</span></i> the
substance of research and teaching. Some new disciplines, such as Soviet
studies, were funded and rewarded at selected universities and the scholars
trained at these institutions then secured jobs elsewhere. Thus, an
anti-communist lens on the world was propagated. Disciplines with more
ready access to research dollars — from engineering to psychology — defined
their research agendas to comport with government and corporate needs.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In response to the university in the “permanent military
economy,” students in the 1960s began to demand new scholarship and
education. Opposition to the Vietnam War particularly stimulated demands
on professors to rethink the historical character and motivation of United
States foreign policy. William Appleman Williams and his students, the
so-called revisionists, articulated a view that the United States practiced
imperialism ever since it became an industrial power. Classrooms where
international relations and foreign policy were taught became “contested
terrain” for argumentation and debate between the older and more benign view of
the U.S. role in the world and the view of the U.S. as imperial power.
Dependency and world system theories gained prominence.</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The contestations spread. Students demanded more
diverse and complicated analyses of race and racism in America, patriarchy and
sexism in gender relations, and working-class history. Every discipline
and every dominant paradigm was subjected to challenge. The challenges
were also reflected in radical caucuses in professional associations and even
in some of the more upright (and “uptight”) signature professional
journals. As a result there was a diminution of red scares in higher
education, for a time.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">But the spirit of debate in the academy diminished after
the Vietnam War and especially after Ronald Reagan became president.
Reagan brought back militant cold war policies, radically increased military
expenditures, declared Vietnam a “noble cause,” and developed a sustained
campaign to crush dissent and reduce the strength of the labor movement.
The climate on campus to some degree returned to the 1950s.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">However, a whole generation of 60s-trained academics were
now tenured faculty at universities around the country. They had
institutionalized programs in African American Studies, Women’s Studies, Peace
Studies, and Middle East Studies. Critical theorists populated education
schools, American Studies programs, and other pockets of the university.
These faculty continued the debate with keepers of dominant paradigms, created
interdisciplinary programs, and developed programs shaped by key social issues
such as racism, class exploitation, gender discrimination, and war.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">But by the 1990s, a new red scare was surfacing. Some
conservative academics and their constituencies talked about declining
standards brought by the new programs. Others criticized what they
regarded as an insufficiently rosy view of United States history. They
claimed that the United States was being unfairly condemned for being
complicit, for example, in a holocaust against Native Americans or because
slavery and racism were central to the history of the country. They
formed academic associations and interest groups to defend against critical
scholarship.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Then David Horowitz came along. Overseeing a
multi-million-dollar foundation funded by rightwing groups, Horowitz launched a
campaign to purify academia of those who have records of teaching, research,
and publication that he saw as unduly critical of the United States, ruling
political or economic elites, or the global political economy. He opposed
those scholar-activists who participated in political movements or in any way
connected their professional life with their political lives. And he
opposed those academics who participated in academic programs that were
interdisciplinary, problem-focused, and not tied to traditional fields of
study. He published a book in 2006, <i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">The Professors: The 101 Most
Dangerous Academics in America</span></i> (2006)<i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; padding: 0in;">, </span></i>in
which he presented distorted profiles of illustrative faculty whom he believed
had violated academic standards because of a variety of transgressions.
Most of those identified either engaged in political activity and/or
participated in interdisciplinary scholarly programs that he found offensive:
Middle East Studies, Women’s Studies, African-American Studies, American
Studies, and Peace Studies.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman", serif; font-size: 12pt;">In conjunction with campaigns led by Lynn Cheney, the
former vice-president’s wife, and Senator Joe Lieberman, senator from
Connecticut, an organization called the American Council of Trustees and Alumni
was created. As Giroux summarized it, “. . . ACTA actively supported
policing classroom knowledge, monitoring curricula, and limiting the autonomy
of teachers and students as part of its larger assault on academic freedom”
Giroux, 162).</span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Horowitz, ACTA, and others who attacked the university
targeted visible academics for scrutiny and persecution. Ward Churchill,
a provocative professor of Ethnic Studies, at the University of Colorado,
was fired after a university committee was created to review his scholarship because
of controversial remarks he made off campus. Norman Finkelstein, a
DePaul University political scientist who had written several books critical of
interpreters of Israeli history and foreign policy, was denied tenure after a
coordinated attack from outside his university led by Harvard Law Professor
Alan Dershowitz. Distinguished political scientists John Mearsheimer and
Stephen Walt have been the subject of vitriol and false charges of antisemitism
because they published a long essay and book analyzing the “Israeli lobby.”</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">This latest red scare against higher education had failures
and successes. Horowitz had a visible presence on national cable
television and radio. He used it to attack some of the 101 dangerous
professors. However, his supporters were not able to get any of
their legislative proposals to restrict academic freedom accepted. But,
the new red scare reinforced and legitimized the dominant paradigms in various
academic disciples and created an environment of intellectual caution in the
academy. </span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">The attacks on universities and academic freedom rose again
with the rise of the Tea Party and the movement around Donald Trump. Similarly
the Koch Foundation machine relaunched its assault on higher education:
attacking intellectual paradigms such as Critical Race Theory, calling for an
end to tenure, shifting the academic workforce to more vulnerable adjunct
teachers, cutting programs in the Liberal Arts where discussions of social,
economic, and political issues are more likely to be discussed, and raising
claims about how higher education should concentrate on Science, Technology,
Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) not the humanities.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">And now, in 2023-2024 Congressional committees level
salacious attacks on university presidents (three women) using false claims
that these presidents somehow supported antisemitism and in the case of the
former President of Harvard engaged in plagiarism. </span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">For an informed discussion of the current political attacks
on the university presidents see; </span></span><a href="https://www.democracynow.org/2024/1/3/harvard_president_claudine_gay_resigns"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">https://www.democracynow.org/2024/1/3/harvard_president_claudine_gay_resigns</span></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Conclusion</span></b></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 12pt; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">We have seen that the university historically has reflected
and represented whatever ruling classes were prevalent at a given point in
time. We have also seen that the university has been a site of
contestation defined by the principle of academic freedom which justifies
critical thought, pedagogy, and practice. In this latter regard, Giroux
points out, the university has been an uncommon institution in modern life
where full democratic participation in dialogue and critical reflection could
take place. The university (its educators) must use this democratic space
to engage students in reflection about the pursuit of peace in this violent
world, and the striving for social and economic justice and against racism,
sexism, and economic inequality. The future of humanity is at stake.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><b><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">References</span></b></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Aronowitz, Stanley, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=NasScoSACBEC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Knowledge Factory: Dismantling the Corporate University and Creating
True Higher Education</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Beacon, 2001.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Berlin, James. A., </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=qu0Suf7GAoEC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Rhetorics, Poetics, and Cultures, Refiguring College English Studies</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, National
Council of Teachers of Education, 1996.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Camus, Albert, </span></span><a href="http://www.powells.com/biblio/1-9780679733843-10"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Rebel: An Essay on Man in Revolt</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Vintage,
1992.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Fones-Wolf, Elizabeth, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=W4p8-BAs0dcC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Selling Free Enterprise: The Business Assault on Labor and Liberalism,
1945-60</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> University of Illinois, 1995.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Friere, Paulo, </span></span><a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=xfFXFD414ioC&hl=en"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Pedagogy of the Oppressed</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Continuum
International Publishing Group, 2000.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Giroux, Henry, </span></span><a href="http://www.paradigmpublishers.com/Books/BookDetail.aspx?productID=168000"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The University in Chains</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Paradigm,
2007.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Goodman, Paul, </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/10836508"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Compulsory
Mis-Education and the Community of Scholars</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Vintage,
1964.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Gramsci, Antonio, </span></span><a href="http://www.marxists.org/archive/gramsci/prison_notebooks/selections.htm"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Selections From the Prison Notebooks</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> International
Publishers, 1971, 10.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Horowitz, David, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=CYqZjtVp00AC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Professors: The 101 Most Dangerous Academics in America</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Regnery,
2006.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Illich, Ivan, </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/22977178"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Deschooling
Society: Social Questions</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Marion Boyais Publishers, 1999.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Jezer, Marty, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=ePGjS4X1TesC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Dark Ages: Life in the United States, 1945-1960</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> South
End Press, 1982.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Kohl, Herbert, </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/60463348"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">36
Children</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, Plume, 1988.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Kozol, Jonathan, </span></span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Death-at-Early-Age-Plume/dp/0452262925"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Death at an Early Age</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Bantam,
1968.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Malcolm X, </span></span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Autobiography-Malcolm-X-MALCOLM/dp/0345379756"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Autobiography of Malcolm X</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, Grove
Press, 1965.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">McLaren, Peter, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=IrzwoZgQC1MC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Che Guevara, Paulo Friere, and the Pedagogy of Revolution</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Rowman and
Littlefield, 2000.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Mills, C. Wright, </span></span><a href="http://www.marxists.org/subject/humanism/mills-c-wright/power-elite.htm"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Power Elite</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, Oxford,
1959.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Mumford, Lewis, </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/isbn/015688254X"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Technics
and Civilization</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">, Harvest, 1963.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Perrucci, Robert, </span></span><a href="http://caliber.ucpress.net/doi/abs/10.1525/sp.2001.48.2.159"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">“Inventing Social Justice: SSSP and
the Twenty-First Century,” </span></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Social Problems, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">May, 2001,
159-167.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Schrecker, Ellen, </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/13425990"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">No
Ivory Tower: McCarthyism and the Universities</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Oxford,
1988.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Smith, David N., </span></span><a href="http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/828032"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">Who
Rules the Universities? An Essay on Class Analysis</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">, </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Monthly
Review, 1974.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Students for a Democratic Society, “The Port Huron
Statement,” in Alexander Bloom and Win Breines, </span></span><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Takin-streets-Sixties-Reader/dp/019514290X"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">‘Takin It to the Streets,’</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;"> </span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Oxford, 1995.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Williams, William Appleman, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=ZUS7t8Af-i4C"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Tragedy of American Diplomacy</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Delta,
1972.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;">Wolff, Robert Paul, </span></span><a href="http://books.google.com/books?id=kGqF22Zv08IC"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: #222222; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">The Idea of the University</span></i></span></a><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><i><span style="border: 1pt none windowtext; color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-border-alt: none windowtext 0in; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none; padding: 0in;">,</span></i></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"> Beacon,
1970.</span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></span></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p> </o:p></span></span></p><div class="separator" style="clear: both; text-align: center;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><a href="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh81ssDo5meRK8woVp0b0sFa9BmLUek0CpZ-twNLnAOOlI-Gbak5hQB-z6xBNp3NZ5PjCNix4d9vamtmC3nB7a-8P2wcjNYVe5tIGxct8e4QPKzuDb1J3OA4noIhwRpYUjEEK7jrAxJMEeKigAKXfWeuQMv3daDaLtcgSyGcQ8N16cB6pN4w_at7b-HHk4" style="margin-left: 1em; margin-right: 1em;"><img alt="" data-original-height="375" data-original-width="250" height="240" src="https://blogger.googleusercontent.com/img/a/AVvXsEh81ssDo5meRK8woVp0b0sFa9BmLUek0CpZ-twNLnAOOlI-Gbak5hQB-z6xBNp3NZ5PjCNix4d9vamtmC3nB7a-8P2wcjNYVe5tIGxct8e4QPKzuDb1J3OA4noIhwRpYUjEEK7jrAxJMEeKigAKXfWeuQMv3daDaLtcgSyGcQ8N16cB6pN4w_at7b-HHk4" width="160" /></a></span></span></div><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><br /></span></span><p></p>
<p class="MsoNormal" style="background: line-height: normal; margin-bottom: 0.25in; vertical-align: baseline;"><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"><span style="color: black; mso-color-alt: windowtext; mso-no-proof: yes;"><v:shape alt="A book cover of a space shuttle
Description automatically generated" id="Picture_x0020_1528314691" o:spid="_x0000_i1025" style="height: 180pt; mso-wrap-style: square; visibility: visible; width: 120pt;" type="#_x0000_t75">
<v:imagedata o:title="A book cover of a space shuttle
Description automatically generated" src="file:///C:/Users/Owner/AppData/Local/Temp/msohtmlclip1/01/clip_image003.jpg">
</v:imagedata></v:shape></span></span><span style="mso-bookmark: _Hlk155279030;"></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman",serif; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-font-kerning: 0pt; mso-ligatures: none;"><o:p></o:p></span></p>Harry Targhttp://www.blogger.com/profile/03393673645618871878noreply@blogger.com