Harry Targ
In 2011 the grassroots revolts that spread all
across the Middle East caught the traditional imperial powers in the region--the
United States, Great Britain, and France-- by surprise. Even more so, the
Middle East theocracies and dictatorships--Saudi Arabia, Tunisia, Egypt,
Bahrain, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar and others--were threatened by those young
people, workers, unemployed, and women, who took to the streets motivated by the
vision of another world. The United
States watched the street protests hoping against hope that the authoritarian
regimes in Tunisia and Egypt would weather the storm. The Obama administration did not move
publicly to aid these regimes to crush the protest but withheld its endorsement
of the grassroots democracy movement.
The idea of popular revolt
spread to places all across the globe including Madison, Wisconsin; Santiago,
Chile; Athens, Greece; Madrid, Spain; and Quebec, Canada. The Occupy Movements
in the United States expanded.
Globally, movements for a 21st century democratization seemed to be replicating 1968.
Globally, movements for a 21st century democratization seemed to be replicating 1968.
In this historic context, the imperial powers needed
to transform the Middle East narrative from demands for jobs, worker rights,
women’s rights, and democratization to the more traditional religious and
ethnic conflict model of Middle East politics. The United States organized a
United Nations/NATO coalition to intervene to encourage rebellion in Libya
coupled with a game-changing air war against the Libyan military. The result
was the overthrow of the government of Muammar Gaddafi and its replacement by a
quarrelsome ungovernable regime rife with ethnic strife. The UN/NATO war on
Libya was billed as the next phase of Arab Spring, while actually it imposed
religious and ethnic conflict on a relatively stable but authoritarian regime.
The anger over the US encouragement and military
intervention in the Libyan civil war was reflected in the killings by Libyan
terrorists of CIA operatives in Benghazi, Libya in September, 2012. What
intervention in Libya did was to destabilize that society and eliminate its
former dictator who was opposed to the growing US military expansion in North
Africa. Most important, it took off the front pages and the hearts and minds of
youth, the poor, women, and trade unionists the hope of mass movements to bring
about democratic change in the region.
US covert and military intervention has shifted now
from Libya to Syria. Mobilization against
the Bashar al-Assad dictatorship in Syria was applauded by the United States.
As the protest escalated into civil war in that country with contestants
including secular and religious groups fighting against Assad’s army, the
United States, Sunni countries of the Arab League, and NATO countries escalated
their support to the rebels. Another Libya-style UN/NATO military operation was
thwarted by strong opposition from Russia and China and the threat of growing
military support for the Syrian regime by Iran.
Part of the ongoing story of Syria is the following:
1.The United States launched its diplomatic
involvement in the Syrian civil war by insisting that Bashar al-Assad must step
down. This precluded any possibility of a diplomatic settlement of the civil
war and the eventual dismantling of the Assad regime. Most important, the
United States non-negotiable demand made diplomatic collaboration between the
United States and Russia all but impossible.
2.Support for various rebel factions, diplomatic and
presumably covert, has encouraged the escalation of opposition violence which
was matched by state violence.
3.Rebel factions, ironically, have included groups
with profiles that resemble the terrorists who were responsible for the 9/11
murders in the United States and terrorist attacks on various targets in the
Middle East and Afghanistan.
4.Violence and political instability have begun to
spread to Lebanon, Turkey, and Jordan, and have drawn Israel and Iran closer
into regional war.
5.As the Syrian civil war has escalated it has become
a “proxy” war between the United States and Russia and Sunni and Shia Muslims.
6.In the United States, the civil war in Syria has
rekindled the war factions. These include the “neoconservatives” who were
responsible for the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Using 9/11 and lies about
weapons of mass destruction the neoconservatives influenced the Bush
administration to pursue their agenda to use United States power to transform
the globe in its interests.
The neoconservatives, advocates of United States military intervention in Syria, are now joined by the “humanitarian interventionists” who in the Clinton Administration supported bombing campaigns in Iraq, Serbia, and Bosnia and live by the ideology that the United States must use its military power to promote human rights around the world.
It is important to note that recent polling data
suggests that only a small percentage of the American people, about 20 percent,
give any support to United States involvement in Syria. Most Americans are
suffering from declining jobs, income, and social safety nets, and reject the
war economy and militarism that has characterized the U.S. role in the world
since 1945.
7.The escalation of the civil war, the growing military
role of the United States, Russia, Iran, Turkey, NATO, Hezbollah from Lebanon,
and Israel has led to nearly 100,000 Syrian deaths and more than a million
refugees. As in most international wars, innocent people suffer and die as
military decisions are made in government capitals.
The case is clear that increasing the United States military
involvement in Syria has negative consequences for the Middle East,
international relations, the inspiration of Arab Spring, American politics, and
the people of Syria. The hope for a more just and peaceful future requires support
for the resumption of the spirit and vision of the original Arab Spring that
began in Tunisia and Egypt and spread all across the globe. Otherwise the
United States will once again be “waist deep in the big muddy” as in Vietnam,
Iraq, and Afghanistan.