Monday, July 30, 2018
Saturday, July 28, 2018
DEMOCRACY IS UNDER THREAT: a repost
Harry Targ
What
we are seeing today is a new iteration of that very old impulse in America: the
quest of some of the propertied (always, it bears noting, a particularly
ideologically extreme-and some would say greedy-subsection of the propertied)
to restrict the promise of democracy for the many, acting in the knowledge that
the majority would choose other policies if it could. (Nancy
MacLean, Democracy in Chains: The Deep
History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, New York, Random
House, 2017, 5).
“Democracy
in Chains”: Multiple Themes
Friends of mine insisted I read Nancy MacLean’s recent
book, Democracy in Chains. Their
enthusiasm for the book was so great that I finally picked it up. I found it
profound as to how it addressed issues of political theory, consciousness, and
political practice.
First, the book is a narrative biography of one
scholar of political economy, James Buchanan, who has had a significant impact
on the development of “public choice” theory in political science, sociology,
and economics. In addition, the text uses his biography to develop larger
theoretical, historical, and political themes.
Second, it is a book about what used to be called the
“sociology of knowledge”; that is how ideas are developed, disseminated,
institutionalized, and become dominant ways in which academic disciplines
address the subject matter they study.
Third, Democracy in Chains addresses the development
of democratic theory, relating contemporary ideas about public participation in
decision-making to eighteenth and nineteenth century American political theory.
Significantly, it addresses Professor Buchanan’s attraction to Southern
anti-federalist John C. Calhoun.
Fourth, the book provides a rich description of the
theory of “free markets” developed by the Austrian school of economics founded
by Ludwig von Mises and Fredrich Hayek and institutionalized by the economics
department at the University of Chicago.
Fifth, the book describes in some detail how scholars
such as James Buchanan and wealthy advocates of “free market” philosophies have
worked to influence higher education and public
policy, not only at the national level but through the states and local
government. The book describes how enormously wealthy free marketeers led by
Charles and David Koch, their association, the American Legislative Exchange
Council (ALEC), and hundreds of think tanks, lobby groups, and funded
politicians have been implementing their policy agenda.
Each of these themes richly developed by MacLean
deserves detailed examination and evaluation. As my exuberant friends suggested
to me, the MacLean book is a major work of political theory and policy analysis
that should significantly energize those progressives who see democracy in the
United States as an endangered species.
The
Threat to Democracy
But for starters, it is critical in 2018 to address
one of the central themes developed in her book, the contradiction between democracy
and capitalism.
MacLean analyzes central premises of the so-called
Austrian school of economics. Nineteenth and twentieth century luminaries from
this tradition, particularly Van Mises and Hayek, articulated the view that the
main priority of any society, but particularly democracies, is the extent to
which markets are allowed to flourish, unencumbered by governments.
According to this view in a truly free society markets
remain supreme. In fact, “liberty” exists in a society to the extent economic
actors are able to act in the market place. Virtually all limitations on
economic liberty so defined constitute a threat to “real” democracy.
Governments exist only to maintain domestic order (the police power) and to
defend the nation from external aggression (defense of national security).
Governments provide police protection and armies. And that should be all. In sum, as President Ronald Reagan
expressed the market vision: “Government is not the solution. Government is the
problem.”
To further illustrate, MacLean describes the brutal
dictatorship that overthrew the democratically elected president of Chile,
Salvador Allende. Allende, a socialist, was elected by a plurality in the 1970
presidential election in that country and in the spring, 1973 in municipal
elections held across the country, Allende’s coalition of parties drew even
more votes for their candidates than did Allende in 1970. The United States,
based on directives from President Nixon, had already moved to make the Chilean
economy “scream” and had initiated contacts with Chilean generals who would be
prepared to carry out a military coup against the popular government. The military coup, ousting Allende from power,
was launched, ironically on September 11, 1973.
As MacLean points out, in the aftermath of the coup,
General Augusto Pinochet rounded up and killed thousands of Allende supporters,
destroyed the long tradition of electoral politics, abolished trade unions, and
began the process of ending government involvement in the economy and public
institutions. Social security and education were privatized. Policies of
nationalization of key industries were reversed.
All of the shifts to what the Austrian school called economic liberty were imposed on the Chilean people with the advice of University of Chicago economists, such as Milton Friedman, and later, George Mason University economist, James Buchanan, who was instrumental in recommending “reforms” to the Chilean constitution making return to democracy more difficult. Subsequently only a few other dictatorships in Latin America showed any sympathy for the Pinochet regime with most of the world condemning its domestic brutality. But as MacLean reports, Milton Friedman and his colleagues never condemned the Chilean regime and Buchanan regarded it as a paradigmatic case of economic liberty, a model which the world should emulate.
Although the Chilean case represents an extreme
example of dictatorship and free market capitalism, she uses it to illustrate a
central point. In most societies, and the United States is no exception,
majorities of people endorse government policies that can and often do serve
the people. As a rule citizens support public transportation, schools,
highways, libraries, retirement guarantees, some publicly provided health care,
rules and regulations to protect the environment, as well as police and
military protection. The problem for Buchanan and his colleagues is that each
one of these government programs. except for the police and military, constrains
the “liberty” of entrepreneurs to pursue profit. All of the shifts to what the Austrian school called economic liberty were imposed on the Chilean people with the advice of University of Chicago economists, such as Milton Friedman, and later, George Mason University economist, James Buchanan, who was instrumental in recommending “reforms” to the Chilean constitution making return to democracy more difficult. Subsequently only a few other dictatorships in Latin America showed any sympathy for the Pinochet regime with most of the world condemning its domestic brutality. But as MacLean reports, Milton Friedman and his colleagues never condemned the Chilean regime and Buchanan regarded it as a paradigmatic case of economic liberty, a model which the world should emulate.
To put it simply, if citizens of the United States were
asked if they support public programs, majorities would say “yes.” Although
there have been extraordinary constraints on majority rule, even enshrined in
the US constitution, the history of the United States can be seen as a history
of struggle to improve and achieve majoritarian democracy. Demands for voting
rights for women, African/Americans, non-propertied and low-income workers and
others have been basic to the American experience. The great anti-colonial
struggles of the twentieth century all across the globe were premised on the vision
of individual and collective sovereignty of the people. If economic liberty is
conceptualized as inversely related to majoritarian democracy, then capitalism
and democracy are incompatible.
Nancy MacLean, based on this fundamental
contradiction, develops a narrative of efforts by celebrants of economic
liberty, the Koch brothers and their allies, to build campaigns in virtually
every state and locale to disenfranchise people. ALEC affiliates in state
legislatures over the last decade have promoted legislation to suppress the
right to vote, eliminate the rights of workers to unionize, disempower city
councils, eliminate the right of local governments to make fiscal decisions,
and to enshrine in curricula in K to 12 education systems and the universities
ideologies about the virtues of economic freedom. There are powerful political
pressures to privatize every existing public institution. Again, the best
government is no government (except for the maintenance of police force to
squelch demands for change and military power to protect the nation at home and
abroad).
So Democracy in Chains is as rich in analysis and
warning as my friends have suggested. Much more needs to be disaggregated and
discussed. But for starters Nancy MacLean is warning us that there is a
powerful drive, based on wealth and power, in the United States to destroy
democracy. This democracy, while flawed, has been fought for since the founding
of the United States. Its continuation, leaving aside its need for improvement,
is under fundamental threat.
Saturday, July 21, 2018
CHALLENGE TRUMP BY CONTINUING TO BUILD OUR MASS MOVEMENTS
Harry Targ
Russiaphobia is being promoted by the MSM, leaders of both parties and why? It is being promoted because of the danger of tension reduction with Russia (and North Korea) which is the fear of the military/industrial complex and because grassroots movements for progressive change are growing by leaps and bounds.
If our grassroots social movements fall prey to the media's narrative about Trump and foreign policy and channel their energies away from single payer health care, free public education K through college, a green jobs agenda, fight for $15 (all of which Trump and the Republicans are out to oppose) they will have lost a major opportunity to begin to bring positive change in this country. In addition, the peace movement must use the Trump overtures to North Korea and Russia (however disingenuous) to build a campaign to end nuclear weapons, cut the military budget, end the NATO alliance, and reduce the US military presence all across the globe. Again, this is not Trump's agenda but it must be ours.
The ruling class and political elites oppose this progressive agenda and Trump is a viable target for changing the political discourse and defusing the energy of our growing mass movement.. These are dangerous times.
The ruling class and political elites oppose this progressive agenda and Trump is a viable target for changing the political discourse and defusing the energy of our growing mass movement.. These are dangerous times.
Tuesday, July 17, 2018
THE BROAD LEFT IS UNDER A NEW KIND OF THREAT: WE MUST KEEP OUR EYES ON THE PRIZE
Harry Targ
Trump
Adventures in Foreign Policy
There has been much reason for optimism in 2018 as
political movements grow, more young people identify with socialism, greater
numbers of activists embrace an intersectional lens (linking class, race,
gender, and sexual identity), and progressive and socialist candidates for
public office win victories in state and national campaigns.
However, the massive increase in activism is being
derailed by mainstream media narratives and positions taken by centrist
politicians of both political parties suggesting that the real issues the
United States face have to do with the interference of Russia in the US
political system and Trump’s foreign policy conduct over tension-reduction on
the Korean Peninsula and negotiations between himself and Vladimir Putin.
A common media frame is being articulated virtually
everywhere that the intelligence agencies, such as the FBI and the CIA, are
unassailable in their claims that the Russians interfered with the US
elections. After all, it is argued, these agencies were created to protect the
integrity and viability of American democracy.
Further, pundits and politicians argue that Trump’s
meetings with the leaders of North Korea and Russia are illegitimate and by
implication their avowed goal to reduce tensions and the likelihood of war, are
illegitimate. The narrative adds that contrary to prior presidents, Trump is
particularly enamored of dictators.
In the case of his meeting with Putin, the media says,
the Russians “won.” And they won, the story suggests, because Russia alone was
responsible for undermining Ukraine, creating the Syrian humanitarian crisis,
and stimulating the rise of the right in Eastern Europe. How could a President
of the United States meet with a man like Putin they ask? (They forget
candidate Barack Obama’s 2008 wise campaign claim that diplomacy is precisely
to be used in interactions with adversaries). And one day after the Putin/Trump
meeting the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) sent an “urgent”
electronic petition calling for 100,000 signatures to “Condemn Trump for
meeting with Putin, denying Russian interference, and threatening our
democracy!”
This campaign was launched three weeks after
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez won a stunning primary victory in New York’s 14th
Congressional District, on a platform that she called democratic socialism. She
stood against the Democratic Party establishment articulating a vibrant reform
agenda that defends the gains workers have made over the last 70 years and
calls for advances in access to health care, fair wages, environmental justice,
immigration reform, and a green jobs agenda. She also criticized the Israeli
Defense Forces for their violence against Palestinians.
Threat
to the Broad Left
There is no question that President Trump is a
narcissistic, ignorant, and racist man who had done and will do enormous damage
to the lives of workers, women, people of color, immigrants, and the
environment. He has the power to launch wars and already has committed to new
generations of weapons and authorized covert operations against regimes in
Latin America.
However, if Trump, for whatever reason, participates
in dialogue with the Korean people in ways that reduce tensions, denuclearize
the peninsula, lead to the withdrawal of US troops, and end the war in Korea,
these should not be opposed because Trump was a participant. And, if Trump and
Putin could agree to dismantle their nuclear weapons, withdraw troops from Central
Europe, and join in talks to end the violence in Syria these also should be
supported.
Finally, and most importantly, the Broad Left must
continue to work for social and economic justice. It must organize to dismantle
the stranglehold of the US economy by Wall Street, and small numbers of banks
and corporations and to create a green jobs agenda that puts people to work for
a livable wage at the same time as the environment is revitalized. It must
demand accessible health care, affordable housing, free education and safety
from police violence.
If
the Broad Left adopts the media and centrist Democrat and Republican narrative
that is solely based on the damnation of Donald Trump it will have lost the
opportunity for fundamental change that growing mass movements have been
working to achieve.Monday, July 16, 2018
Friday, July 13, 2018
REVISITING "AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM" AGAIN
Harry Targ
Continued study and research into the origins of the folk music
of various peoples in many parts of the world revealed that there is a world
body-a universal body-of folk music based upon a universal pentatonic (five
tone) scale. Interested as I am in the universality of (hu)mankind-in the
fundamental relationship of all peoples to one another-this idea of a universal
body of music intrigued me, and I pursed it along many fascinating paths. Paul
Robeson, Here I Stand, 1959.
America’s destiny required the U.S. “…to set the world its
example of right and honor…We cannot retreat from any soil where providence has
unfurled our banner. It is ours to save that soil, for liberty, and
civilization….It is elemental...it is racial. God has not been preparing the
English-speaking and teutonic peoples for a thousand years for nothing but vain
and idle self-contemplation and self-admiration. No! He has made us the master
organizers of the world to establish system where chaos reigns. He has given us
the spirit of progress to overwhelm the forces of reaction throughout the
earth.” Senator Albert Beveridge, Indiana, Congressional Record, 56
Congress, I Session, pp.704-712, 1898).
“With all the problems that America is facing, it is still the best place in the world," he (Garry Kasparov) said. "Trust me, I’ve traveled around the world, and here is where you have a chance to realize your potential.” (Sasha Patil, "Activist Talks Leaving Russia, Becoming Democracy Advocate," purdueexponent.org. September 15, 2021)
United
States foreign policy over the last 150 years has been a reflection of many
forces including economics, politics, militarism and the desire to control
territory. The most important idea used by each presidential administration to
gain support from the citizenry for the pursuit of empire is the claim that
America is “exceptional”.
Think about the view of “the city on the hill” articulated by
Puritan ancestors who claimed that they were creating a social experiment that
would inspire the world. Over three hundred years later President Reagan again
spoke of “the city on the hill.” Or one can recall public addresses of turn of
the twentieth century luminaries such as former President Theodore Roosevelt
who claimed that the white race from Europe and North America was civilizing
the peoples of what we would now call the Global South. Or Indiana
Senator Beveridge’s clear statement: “It is elemental….It is racial.” From the
proclamation of the new nation’s special purpose in Puritan America, to Ronald
Reagan’s reiteration of the claim, to similar claims by virtually all
politicians of all political affiliations, Americans hear over and over that we
are different, special, and a shining example of public virtue that all other
peoples should use as their guide to building a better society and polity.
However, looking at data on the United States role in the world,
the United States was at war for 201 years from 1776 to 2011. Ten million
indigenous people were exterminated as the “new” nation moved westward between
the 17th and the 20th centuries and at least 10 million
people were killed, mostly from developing countries between 1945 and 2010 in
wars in which the United States had some role. In addition, world affairs was
transformed by the singular use of two atomic bombs; one dropped on
Hiroshima on August 6, 1945 instantly killing 80,000 people and the other on
Nagasaki on August 9, 1945 killing another 70,000.
Comparing the image of exceptionalism with the domestic reality
of American life suggests stark contrasts as well: continuous and growing gaps
between rich and poor, inadequate nutrition and health care for significant
portions of the population, massive domestic gun violence, and inadequate
access to the best education that the society has the capacity to provide to
all. Of course, the United States was a slave society for over 200 years
formally racially segregated for another 100, and now incarcerates 15 percent
of African American men in their twenties.
The United States is not the only country that has a history of
imperialism, exploitation, violence, and racism but we must understand that our
foreign policy and economic and political system are not exceptional and must
be changed.
Finally, a better future and the survival of the human race
require us to realize, as Paul Robeson suggested, what is precious about
humanity is not our differences but our commonalities. Exceptionalist thinking
separates us. Sharing what we have in common as human beings, both our troubles
and our talents, is the only basis for creating a peaceful and just world.
Friday, July 6, 2018
Tuesday, July 3, 2018
TURNING THE CORNER: BUILDING A MASS MOVEMENT FOR SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC JUSTICE
Harry Targ
There's a man with a gun
over there
Telling me I got to beware
There's battle lines being drawn
Nobody's right if everybody's wrong
Young people speaking' their minds
Getting so much resistance from behind
It's time we stop
Hey, what's that sound?
“For What It's Worth" Buffalo Springfield
Telling me I got to beware
There's battle lines being drawn
Nobody's right if everybody's wrong
Young people speaking' their minds
Getting so much resistance from behind
It's time we stop
Hey, what's that sound?
Everybody look - what's going down?
Hundreds
of thousands of people, reflecting the diversity of America hit the streets in over
700 cities and towns to declare that “Families Belong Together.” The specific
occasion for the mobilization of so many people in such a short time was the
news of at least 2,000 migrant children being separated from their parents
along the Texas/Mexican border amid the smug assertion of Trump administration
spokespersons that the children and their parents were in the United States
“illegally.”
In
addition, Fox News commentators were framing the separations as a net gain for
the children: comfortable quarters, summer camp-like conditions instead of the
reality of children housed in cages. The specific crisis of the children
reinforced anger at the general brutality caused by the broken immigration
system that has led to the brutalization of people seeking refuge from violence
and poverty in their home countries.
Named
organizers of the rallies around the country included Moveon.org, the American
Civil Liberties Union, The Leadership Conference on Civil Rights, the National
Domestic Workers Alliance, Amnesty International, the Anti-Defamation League,
the Southern Poverty Law Center, and the Women’s March. Also, many actors and actresses, such as Alicia
Keyes, and politicians participated in rallies, particularly in coastal cities.
Congresswoman Pramila Jayapal, Democrat from the state of Washington, expressed the anger and frustration of masses of people: “The idea of kids in cages and asylum seekers in prisons and moms being separated from breast-feeding children, this is beyond politics, it really is just about right and wrong, (Alexandra Yoon-Hendriks and Zoe Greenberg, “Protests Across U.S. Call for End to Migrant Family Separations,” The New York Times, June 30, 2018).
The
marches and rallies represented a sense of outrage, an expression of the fact
that, as the Congresswoman suggested, certain government actions may be just
plain wrong, grotesquely immoral. And in those cases people of good will must
stand up and say “enough is enough.” Families Belong Together, the event
organization, articulated three central demands: that separated migrant
families be reunited immediately, the government end family detentions, and the
Trump administration end its “zero tolerance” immigration policy.
But
beyond this extraordinary mobilization is perhaps a deeper meaning, a deeper
purpose, and a possibility of hope for change. First, the placards signaled how
marches were seeing the connection between the tragedy of the 2,000 children
separated from their parents and broader issues: “fight for families,”
“childhood is not a crime,” “human rights have no borders,” “abolish ICE,” “my
people were refugees too,” “November is coming,” “no hate no fear, immigrants
are welcome here,” “no one is illegal on stolen land,” “Nazis were following
the law too, abolish ICE,” “Trump for prison, lock him up.”
Second,
a multiplicity of organizations, beyond the mainstream national ones,
participated in mobilizations around the country. Youth organizations, progressive
alliances, and democratic socialist groups played a role in organizing the
events and brought out their members to support the actions. For example, in
Milwaukee, Democratic Socialists (DSA) participated in two mobilizations with
placards calling for the abolition of ICE. In addition a radical immigrant
rights group, Voces De La Frontera, which concentrates on immigrant rights and
class issues participated prominently. Also, in Milwaukee, there was a strong
representation from progressive sectors of various faith communities:
Christian, Muslim, and Jewish.
Third,
the June 30 Families Belong Together nation-wide mobilization may be the
largest since President Trump assumed office. Beginning with the inauguration
day rallies led by women, there have been mobilizations around peace,
immigration, guns, women’s rights, the right of workers to organize, and
against police violence. Peoples’ movements are growing in size. Mobilizations
more consciously seek to connect the particular issues that occasion rallies
and calls to action with other issues. And, with the emergence of the New Poor
People’s Campaign, spokespersons of that movement are making the case that
issues around poverty and racism are connected to militarism, war, and the
destruction of the environment and all these are connected to the history of
the brutalization of Native Americans,
African Americans, and immigrants seeking asylum from violence and poverty in
Latin America. As Reverend William Barber calls it there is an emerging “fusion”
of issues and a “fusion” of movements.
Will
this lead to a well-organized purposive, multi-issue movement that will
challenge capitalism and imperialism?
Will it create the building blocks for a humane and democratic, and
socialist future? As the song says: There's something happening here. But what it is
ain't exactly clear.
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The Bookshelf
CHALLENGING LATE CAPITALISM by Harry R. Targ
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