Thursday, April 9, 2026

MAY DAY BRINGS THOUGHTS OF SOCIALIST ALTERNATIVES: And about Moving Ahead

 Harry Targ

 

Sketching Today’s Global Political Economy

During the latest phase of monopoly and finance capital (1945- to the present) enormous changes occurred in the global political economy. First, the United States emerged as a superpower and in an effort to crush the threat of socialism around the world committed itself to constructing a “permanent war economy.” This permanent war economy would create the military capacity to destroy alternatives to global capitalism, stimulate and maintain a high growth manufacturing economy, justify an anti-communist crusade to crush the left in the United States, and co-opt and/or repress working class demands for change. In addition, the permanent war economy would occasion the perpetuation of racism and patriarchy in public and private life.

As the years passed corporate rates of profit began to decline as a result of rising competition among capitalist states, over-production and under-consumption, an increasing fiscal crisis of the capitalist state, and rising prices of core natural resources (particularly oil). With a growing crisis, global corporate and finance capital shifted from investments in production of goods and services to financial speculation. Thus capitalist investment steadily shifted to financialization, or the investment in paper-stocks, bonds, private equity and hedge funds and other forms of speculative investment. Financial speculation was encouraged by state tax policies, “free trade” agreements, an expanded international system of indebtedness, and increased reliance on consumer debt.

Multinational corporations which continued to produce goods and services sought to overcome declining profit rates. This, they concluded, could only be achieved by reducing the costs of labor. To overcome the demand for higher real wages, health and other benefits, and worker rights, manufacturing facilities were moved from core capitalist states to poor countries where lower wages were paid. Thus, in wealthier countries millions of relatively high paying jobs were lost while production of goods increasingly moved to sweatshops in poor countries. Wealthy capitalist states experienced deindustrialization.

Finally, assisted by technological advances, from computers to new forms of shipping, financial speculation and deindustrialization fueled the full flowering of globalization, or the radically increased patterns of cross border interactions-economic, political, and cultural. Globalization began to transform the world into one integrated global political economy.

In short, we may speak of a four-fold set of parallel political and economic developments that have occurred since the end of World War 
II, in which the United States has played a leading role: creating a permanent war economy, financialization, deindustrialization, and globalization.


Should We Be Thinking About Socialism Today?

A rich and vital set of images of a socialist future comes down to us from the utopians, anarchists, and Marxists, the martyrs of the first May Day, and the variety of experiments with socialism attempted in Asia, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, Africa, and the Caribbean. Extracting from the multiple reasons why individuals and movements chose socialism one reason stands out; that is, that capitalism historically is and has been a cruel and inhumane system, a system borne and fueled by slavery, genocide, war, super exploitation of workers, tactics of division based on race and gender, and an almost total disregard for the natural environment that sustains life. Building a permanent war economy, financialization, deindustrialization, and globalization are merely extensions of the cruel and heartless pursuit of profit which has been the fundamental driving force of the capitalist mode of production.

Drawing on the history and the images of a better future coupled with the brutality of the capitalist era; we might conceive of a 21st century socialist future that has four main dimensions.

First, we need to create institutions that are created and staffed by the working classes and serve the interests of the working classes. While scholars and activists may disagree about what “class” means in today’s complicated world, it is clear that the vast majority of humankind do not own or control the means of production, nor do they usually have an instrumental place in political institutions. Therefore, socialism involves, in the Marxist sense, the creation of a workers’ state and since most of us are workers (more than 90 percent of the US population for example), a state must be established that represents and serves the interests of the many, not the few.

Second, our vision of socialism is a society in which the working classes fully participate in the institutions that shape their lives and in the creation of the policies that these institutions develop to serve the needs of all the people.

Third, socialism also implies the creation of public policies that sustain life. Socialism in this sense is about good jobs, incomes that provide for human needs, access to health care for all, adequate housing and transportation, a livable environment, and an end to discrimination and war.

Fourth, socialism is also about the creation of institutions and policies that maximize human potential. A socialist society provides the intellectual tools to stimulate creativity, celebrate diversity, and facilitate writing poetry, singing and dancing, basking in nature’s glow, and living, working, and loving with others in humanly sustainable communities.

Today we remain terribly far from any of these dimensions of socialism. But paradoxically, humankind at this point in time has the technological tools to build a mass movement to create a socialist future. We can 
communicate instantaneously with peoples all over the world. We can access information about the world that challenges the narrow ruling class media frames about the human condition. We have in the face of brutal war, environmental devastation, enduring racism, super exploitation of workers everywhere mass movements of workers, women, people of color, indigenous people, and youth who are demanding changes. Increasingly public discourse is based upon the realization that our future will bring either extinction or survival. Socialism, although it is not labeled as such, represents human survival.

Where do we who believe that socialism offers the best hope for survival stand at this critical juncture? We are weak. Many of us are older. Some of us have remained mired in old formulas about change. Nevertheless, we can make a contribution to building a socialist future. In fact we have a critical role to play.

We must articulate systematic understandings of the global political economy and where it came from: permanent war, financialization, deindustrialization, and globalization. We need to articulate what impacts these processes have had on class, race, gender, and the environment. In other words, we need to convince activists that almost all things wrong with the world are connected and are intimately tied to the development of capitalism as the dominant mode of production.

We need to take our place in political struggles that demand an expanded role for workers in political institutions. We need to insist that the working classes participate in all political decisions.

We need to work on campaigns that could sustain life: jobs, living wages, single payer health care, climate change etc. Our contribution can include making connections between the variety of single issues, insisting that participants in mass movements take cognizance of and work on the other single issues that constitute the mosaic of problems 
that require transformation. We must remember that in the end the basic policies that sustain life require building socialism. Most struggles, such as those to achieve living wages or a single payer health care system for example, plant the seeds for building a broader socialist society. We can incorporate our socialist vision in our debates about single issues: if we demand a living wage, why not talk about equality for example?

We need to rearticulate our belief that human beings have a vast potential for good, for creativity, and given a just society, we all could move away from classism, racism, and sexism. We could pursue our talents and interests in the context of a sharing and cooperative society.

By working for institutional incorporation (empowerment) and life-sustaining and enhancing policies we will be planting the seeds for a socialist society.

May Day and No Kings 2026

This year May Day will continue the historic mass mobilizations for social and economic justice of recent historic No Kings rallies. The original May Day was designed to remember the May 1, 1886 rally in Chicago for the 8-hour day. At that rally more than 300,000 workers from 13,000 businesses walked off their jobs to demand justice for workers.

At a subsequent rally two days later at another rally an unknown person threw a bomb, violence broke out, police and others were killed. Anarchist leaders of the rallies, the Haymarket Martyrs, were charged with the violence, which they had nothing to do with. Subsequently eight martyrs were convicted, four of whom were executed for crimes they did not commit. Three years later, a federation of socialists workers, the Second International, declared May 1 an International Workers Day to remember the Haymarket Martyrs and at the same time to continue to rally for worker rights, from social and economic justice to ending war. Almost 70 countries around the world honor May Day as an official holiday today, and workers in many more countries celebrate the day and workers’ rights even though it is not an “official” holiday.

Today working people, most of the population of the United States, still need social and economic rights, labor rights, and would benefit from dramatic cuts in military spending and increases in social spending.  As a result, millions of people in the United States have marched and rallied for social and economic justice, defending democratic institutions, and against wars in recent No Kings rallies, the most recent being March 28. Given the threats of fascism at home and world war overseas, activists are asking “What do we do now?’  One answer is to step up the militancy while honoring May Day, the International Workers Day.

​“Coming off the heels of the massive energy from the No Kings mobilizations, people are ready to take action and keep fighting for a democracy of, by, and for the people,” says Indivisible Co-Founder Leah Greenberg, whose organization started the No Kings protest.

On May 1, Indivisibles will be joining people across the country with a clear message: we demand a government that invests in our communities, not one that enriches billionaires, fuels endless war, or deploys masked agents to intimidate our neighbors.”

https://paydayreport.com/no-kings-organizers-pivot-to-may-day-general-strike/

As Ralph Chapin. the lyricist of the industrial Workers of the World wrote in 1915 in the workers' anthem, “Solidarity Forever”:


“In our hands is placed a power greater than their hoarded gold,
Greater than the might of armies, magnified a thousand-fold.
We can bring to birth a new world from the ashes of the old.
For the union makes us strong”



 

Wednesday, April 1, 2026

Add this message to Our Passover Seders

The government and military of Israel are despicable. Those of us raised Jewish (as with other traditions) were taught to respect all human beings, fight for social and economic justice, and oppose war and violence. Israeli policy is the direct opposite of these fundamental Jewish values.

And as Rev. Barber preached on Passover, as part of his address during the Shalom Center's Freedom Seder on April 7, 2019.

 https://youtu.be/XGnI966ZkQ8?si=1EF7dVbJsrPW42B

Monday, March 30, 2026

THE CUBAN REVOLUTION LIVES

 May be an image of text that says 'U.S. HANDS 0100 ME OFF ΜΚΕ ANTI-WAR COMMΠTEE (CUBA'

 Harry Targ

After the 1898 “Spanish-American War”, the United States military, with the support of small numbers of compliant Cubans, created a government that would open the door completely for United States investments, commercial penetration, an externally-controlled tourist sector, and North American gangsters. The U.S. neo-colonial regime on the island stimulated pockets of economic development in a sea of human misery. Responding to grotesque economic suffering in the 1950s a band of revolutionaries (led by Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, Camilo Cienfuegos, Celia Sanchez, Vilma Espin, and Haydee Santamaria) defeated the U.S. backed military regime of Fulgencio Batista.

Vilma Espin, Cuban Revolutionary

The Cuban Revolution of 1959 began in the nineteenth century and was driven by 400 years of nationalism, a vision of democracy, and a passion for economic justice. This vision was articulated in Fidel Castro’s famous “History Will Absolve Me” speech given before being sentenced to prison after a failed military action against Batista in 1953. He spoke of five goals of his revolution: returning power to the people; giving land to the people who work it; providing workers a significant share of profits from corporations; granting sugar planters a quota of the value of the crop they produce; and confiscating lands acquired through fraud. Then he said, the Revolution would carry out agrarian reform, nationalize key sectors of the economy, institute educational reforms, and provide a decent livelihood for manual and intellectual labor.

The problem of the land, the problem of industrialization, the problem of housing, the problem of unemployment, the problem of education and the problem of the people’s health: these are the six problems we would take immediate steps to solve, along with restoration of civil liberties and political democracy (Fidel Castro, “ History Will Absolve Me,” Castro Internet Archive, www.marxists.org/history/cuba/archive/castro/1953).

Almost immediately the revolutionaries who had seized power in January, 1959 began to implement the program envisioned by the Castro speech. Over the next sixty years, with heated debates inside Cuba, experiments--some successful, some failed--were carried out. Despite international pressures and the changing global political economy, much of the program has been institutionalized to the benefit of most Cubans.

Education and health care became free to all Cubans. Basic, but modest, nutritional needs have been met. Cubans have participated in significant political discussion about public policy. And Cuban society has been a laboratory for experimentation.

Saturday, March 28, 2026

TRUMP WARS: BOMBING AND HYBRID

 Harry Targ

 

The Rag Blog

 In the fall of 2025 President Trump began an assassination campaign against those in small boats sailing in the Caribbean, alleging that those on the boats were carrying drugs. He escalated threats against Venezuela and in early January 2026 kidnapped the President and First Lady of Venezuela. This was followed in February by a brutal bombing campaign against targets in Iran (in conjunction with Israeli militarism). And this war, in collaboration with Israel, has spread throughout the Middle East. During all this time the United States supported Israel’s genocidal war on the Gazan people.

And from time to time during this militarization of his foreign policy Trump has implied or stated directly that Cuba would be next. Cuba is confronting the worst economic crisis in its history. The United States now is blockading oil shipments to Cuba which is resulting in hospital blackouts, increased danger of patient deaths, and Cubans living in rural areas not even making it to hospitals. This is an extension of an economic embargo of the island which began in 1960. The stated US policy has been to starve the Cuban people until they decide to overthrow their government.

As material aid group Global Health Partners recently wrote:

“The U.S. is using its spurious inclusion of Cuba on the list of “State Sponsors of Terrorism” to wield increasingly punitive measures that limit the supply of food, fuel and basic medical supplies. To bolster this inhumane policy, right-wing members of Congress are slipping new, outrageous sanctions into broad budget legislation aimed at keeping the U.S. government running.

The U.S. is refusing to remove Cuba from its “terrorism list” even as Washington and Havana regularly hold counter-terrorism cooperation talks instituted during the Obama administration. This “terrorism” designation blocks Cuba from accessing the international banking system and prevents other countries from carrying on normal trade with Havana.”

(https://ghpartners.org/no-letup-as-us-embargo-strangles-cuba/)

Direct killing now is being coupled with hybrid war virtually everywhere around the globe.

Perhaps the task for the peace movement is to include in the project of building a progressive majority ideas about challenging the US as an imperial power, proclaiming that a progressive agenda requires the dismantling of the permanent war economy. These are truly troubled times, with to a substantial degree the survival of humanity and nature at stake. The war system is a significant part of what the struggle is about.

                                    Code Pink ,2026


Wednesday, March 25, 2026

NO KINGS RALLY NOW: FOREIGN POLICY-THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM

 Harry Targ

If we are not marching against genocide, war, economic blockades, a trillion-dollar military budget, an escalation of nuclear weapons, we are not sincere.

 

May be an image of text that says 'നട NO KINGS PROTEST NO KINGS PEACE AT HOME, PEACE ABROAD. STOP TH US/ISRAELI WAR ON: IRAN LEBANON GAZA VENEZUELA CUBA! SATURDAY, MARCH 28 SMEDLEY D. BUTLER BRIGADE MERANS ¥ FOR ም VETERANS FOR PEACE IYEO MOVETRANS VETRANS SEAANST FUE WEAL NO THRONES. NO CROWNS, NO KINGS. POWER BELONGS TO THE PEOPLE. VETERANSFORPEACE ORG Ж VETERANS FOR PEACE'

 

The 66-year blockade has cost the Cuban economy over $100 billion dollars. Cuba has had a wonderful health care system, has sent doctors to over 160 countries, trained thousands of doctors from the Global South, and has a vibrant internal democracy (local committees, mass organizations, legislative bodies etc.).The US invaded Cuba in 1961, initiated over 500 attempts on the life of its former leader, and through legislation punished any country that engages in economic relations with Cuba. Over the years Cubans have embraced policies that did not work and after national conversations have made changes. Ironically, the policies negotiated by former Presidents Obama and Raul Castro were mutually beneficial for the two countries. Trump eliminated those agreements and they were not reinstalled by Biden.

https://heartlandradical.blogspot.com/.../the-cuban...

An Empire in Relative Decline

United States global hegemony continues to be challenged. As the beneficiary of war-driven industrial growth and the development of a military-industrial complex unparalleled in world history, the United States was in a position in 1945 to construct a post-war international political and economic order based on huge banks and corporations. The United States created the international financial and trading system, imposed the dollar as the global currency, built military alliances to challenge the Socialist Bloc, and used its massive military might and capacity for economic penetration to infiltrate, subvert, and dominate most of the economic and political regimes across the globe.

The United States always faced resistance and was by virtue of its economic system and ideology drawn into perpetual wars, leading to trillions of dollars in military spending, the loss of hundreds of thousands of American lives, and the deaths of literally millions of people, mostly people of color, to maintain its empire.

As was the case of prior empires, the United States empire is weakening. There is now the possibility of a multipolar world emerging with challenges to traditional hegemony coming from China, India, Russia, and the larger less developed countries such as Brazil, Argentina, South Africa, South Korea, and Thailand. By the 1970s, even traditional allies in Europe and Japan had become economic competitors of the United States.

The United States throughout this period of change has remained the overwhelming military power, however, spending more on defense than the next seven countries combined. It remains the world’s economic giant even though growth in domestic product between 1980 and 2000 has been a third of its GDP growth from 1960 to 1980. Confronted with economic stagnation and declining profit rates the United States economy began in the 1970s to transition from a vibrant industrial base to financial speculation and the globalization of production.

The latest phase of capitalism, the era of neoliberal globalization, required massive shifts of surplus value from workers to bankers and the top 200 hundred corporations which by the 1980s controlled about one-third of all production. The instruments of consciousness, a handful of media conglomerates, have consolidated their control of most of what people read, see, hear, and learn about the world.

A policy centerpiece of the new era, roughly spanning the rise to power of Ronald Reagan to today, including the eight years of the Obama Administration, has been a massive shift of wealth from the many to the few. Productivity, profits, and economic concentration has risen while real wages have declined, inequality increased, gaps between the earnings of people of color and women and white men continues to grow, and persistent poverty remains for twenty percent of the US population (https://www.epi.org/publication/inequality-2021-ssa-data/ for 2021 data on economic inequality). 

In addition, as United Way data shows, almost 40 percent of US households have incomes in poverty or between poverty and bare sustainability. And now the Trump Administration disgustingly parades the egregious wealth of those at the top at celebrations at Mar-a-Lago.  

In addition, the austerity policies, the centerpiece of neoliberalism, spread all across the globe. That is what globalization has been about. And, of course, a major beneficiary of the imperial system established after World War Two has been a handful of military contractors, subcontractors, and universities who are the recipients of the one trillion-dollar defense budget. 

But, contrary to the shifts toward a transnational capitalist system and the concentration of wealth and power on a global level, the decline of U.S power, relative to other nation-states in the twenty-first century, has increased.  China’s economy and scientific/technological base have expanded dramatically. The wars in Afghanistan, Iraq, and the spreading war and violence throughout the Middle East, including Iran today, have overwhelmed US efforts to control events. Russia, Iran, China, and even weaker nations in the United Nations Security Council have begun to challenge US power and authority. Mass movements increasingly mobilize against regimes supported by the United States virtually everywhere (including mass mobilizations within the U.S. as well). The No Kings rallies are part of this worldwide movement.

However, most U.S. politicians still articulate the mantra of “the United States as the indispensable nation.” The articulation of American Exceptionalism represents an effort to maintain a global hegemony that no longer exists and a rationale to justify the massive military-industrial complex which fuels much of the United States economy.

(For more data on military bases  https://www.davidvine.net/bases.html)

Imperial Decline and Domestic Politics

The narrative above is of necessity brief and oversimplified but provides a backdrop for reflecting on the substantial shifts in American politics. The argument here is that foreign policy and international political economy are “the elephants in the room” as we reflect on the outcomes of recent elections and the rise of almost unbridled fascism in the Trump Administration. It does not replace other explanations or “causes” of election results but supplements them.

First, the pursuit of austerity policies, particularly in other countries (the cornerstone of neoliberal globalization) has been a central feature of international economics since the late 1970s. From the establishment of the debt system in the Global South, to “shock therapy” in countries as varied as Bolivia and the former Socialist Bloc, to European bank demands on Greece, Spain, Portugal, and Ireland, to Reaganomics and the promotion of Clinton’s “market democracies,” and the Obama era Trans-Pacific Partnership, the wealth of the world has been shifting from the poor and working classes to the rich.

Second, to promote neoliberal globalization, the United States has constructed by far the world’s largest war machine. With growing opposition to U.S. militarism around the world, policy has shifted in recent years from “boots on the ground,” (although there still are many), to special ops, private contractors, drones, cyberwar, spying, and “quiet coups,” such as in Brazil, Argentina, and Chile in the 1970s to the kidnapping of the president of Venezuela in January,2026 to maintain US hegemony in the Western Hemisphere. As the statement above suggests, the US government has escalated its economic blockade of Cuba, a blockade that is starving ten million Cuban people.

One group of foreign policy insiders, the humanitarian interventionists, has lobbied for years to promote “human rights, democratization, and markets.”  Democratic administrations and candidates and a host of “deep state” insiders advocated for support of coups such as in Honduras, a NATO coalition effort to topple the regime in Libya, strong support of Israel, funding and training anti-government rebels in Syria during its civil war and the overthrow of the elected government of Ukraine in 2014.

Humanitarian interventionists have joined forces with “neoconservatives” in the new century to advocate policies that, they believed, would reverse the declining relative power of the United States. This coalition of foreign policy influentials has promoted a New Cold War against China and Russia and an Asian pivot to challenge an emerging multipolar world. The growing turmoil in the Middle East and the new rising powers in Eurasia also provide rationale for qualitative increases in military spending, enormous increases in research and development of new military technologies, and the reintroduction of ideologies that were current during the last century about mortal enemies and the inevitability of war.

And during the two Trump Administrations, defense budgets have skyrocketed and collaboration with Israel has increased. The US has reversed all the improvements in US/Cuban policy which has led to shortages of oil, food, medicine, on the island. And Trump, in his first term, reversed the Obama policies toward Iran. And right now, the US and Israel are engaging in brutal wars on Iran, Lebanon, and Syria. The vision for the US and its partner Israel is to create a “Greater Israel” which will secure oil and land in the Persian Gulf region to challenge China’s growing economic and diplomatic influence in Eastern Europe, the Middle, East, West Asia, and Africa. 

Contrary to its predecessors the Trump Administration has rejected all international institutions which, while weak, have pursued multinationalism. He has also rejected diplomacy and is now recklessly escalating military policies that the Bulleton of Atomic Scientists says are bringing the world closer to nuclear war than ever before.

In sum, the “elephant in the room” for the peace movement pertaining to US politics must include building opposition to an activist United States economic/political/military role in the world and the long history of United States imperialism.

Finally, it must be articulated that to the extent that economics affects domestic politics, the global agenda that has been enshrined in United States international economic policy since the 1970s, coupled with humanitarian interventionism, and the new militarism of the Trump era has had much to do with rising austerity, growing disparities of wealth and power, wage and income stagnation, and declining social safety nets at home. As millions of Americans struggle to survive poverty, inadequate access to healthcare, homelessness, a variety of environmental disasters it is time to reinsert visions of a non-interventionist, anti-militaristic foreign policy into our progressive political agenda.

 

 



 

 

 

Sunday, March 22, 2026

THE CUBAN REVOLUTION CONTINUES: END THE BLOCKADE, NO TO WAR

 Thursday, January 1, 2026

 Harry Targ

A 1960 recommendation to the US Undersecretary of State about Cuba: "make the greatest inroads in denying money and supplies to Cuba, to decrease monetary and real wages, to bring about hunger, desperation and overthrow of (the) government." (see the full document below)


                                                                                   Granma

Despite enormous changes and advances since the 1959 Cuban revolution, Cuba remains part of the Global South (what used to be referred to as “Third World” or “developing countries”), a world which has been shaped and distorted in its economics and politics for 400 years by the global capitalist system. Cuba, while in many ways a developed and even industrialized country, remains closer in economic profile and diplomatic standing and possibility to the nations of Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America than the industrial capitalist countries of North America, Europe, and Japan


In the words of C. Wright Mills reflecting on the Cuban revolution at its outset, Cuba remains part of the “hungry bloc,” not in the sense of poverty and scarcity as he meant it-Cuba is part of the developed world in these terms- but in the sense of still struggling to achieve its right and capacity to define its own destiny. In fact, it could be argued that Cuba’s “hunger” for self-determination, its spirit of nationalism, is what drove the revolution in the nineteenth century, in the 1930s, in 1959 and still drives the revolution today.

The spirit of revolution links Cuba’s past to its present. There have been other continuities in Cuban history as well, particularly since 1959. The most obvious one has been the hatred and aggressive stance of the United States. The United States suspended formal diplomatic relations with the island nation before President Eisenhower left office, launched a full-scale economic blockade of Cuba in the Kennedy period, initiated a long-term program of subversion and sabotage of the islands economy and polity, and extended the blockade to pressure other countries to cut their ties to the island’s economy. And for two Trump terms diplomatic relations have worsened, sanctions have increased,  and today threats of US military operations are made. The new imperialism of the Trump administration involves kidnapping the leaders of Venezuela, threatening countries that continue to sell oil to Cuba, and doing everything necessary to advance "hunger, desperation, (and the) overthrow of the government."

The hostile United States policy since the 1950s has been driven by the needs and hopes of capitalism; cold war fears of “communism;” the “realpolitik” philosophy which says that Cuba is within the U.S. sphere of influence; and the historically claimed right of the U.S. to control Cuba’s destiny enshrined in the Monroe Doctrine of the 1820s.

Despite this hostility, since 1959 there has been a high level of support for the revolution among Cubans because it provided substantial economic advances for the people and satisfied their thirst for self-determination. Consequently, even during the “special period” of the 1990s support, while declining, held because the revolution continued to represent the spirit of nationalism for the vast majority of the Cuban people.

Finally, a continuous element of the Cuban revolution has been change and a pragmatic spirit that addresses needs, possibilities, and dangers as they arise. Cuba has been one vast laboratory experiment in which new policies, priorities, and programs have been introduced to meet the exigencies of the moment. Alongside inevitable dogmatisms and bureaucratic resistances has been the willingness of Cubans to throw out the old, the unworkable, the threatened, and replace it with the new as history requires (shifting from fertilizer, pesticides, and hybrid seeds to organic agriculture for example). Over its long history the revolution ended foreign ownership of the Cuban economy. It created an egalitarian society. It provided health care, education, jobs, and a rich cultural life for most of its citizens.

At the most fundamental level, the revolution fulfilled all of the economic and social goals Fidel Castro articulated in his 1953 “History Will Absolve Me” speech. For most Cubans alive before 1959, there is no question that the revolution has been an outstanding success. This is true for their sons and daughters if one could compare what would have been their possibilities before 1959 with what they have achieved today. The revolution has worked.

And finally, in the great debate between the U.S. and Cuba as inspirations and models for most of the citizens of the globe, Fidel Castro might say again “History Will Absolve Me.”

Thursday, March 19, 2026

TRUMP WARS: BOMBING AND HYBRID

Harry Targ

 

In the fall of 2025 President Trump began an assassination campaign against those in small boats sailing in the Caribbean, alleging that those on the boats were carrying drugs. He escalated threats against Venezuela and in early January 2026 kidnapped the President and First Lady of Venezuela. This was followed in February by a brutal bombing campaign against targets in Iran (in conjunction with Israeli militarism). And this war, in collaboration with Israel, has spread throughout the Middle East. During all this time the United States supported Israel’s genocidal war on the Gazan people.

And from time to time during this militarization of his foreign policy Trump has implied or stated directly that Cuba would be next. Cuba is confronting the worst economic crisis in its history. The United States now is blockading oil shipments to Cuba which is resulting in hospital blackouts, increased danger of patient deaths, and Cubans living in rural areas not even making it to hospitals. This is an extension of an economic embargo of the island which began in 1960. The stated US policy has been to starve the Cuban people until they decide to overthrow their government.

 As material aid group Global Health Partners recently wrote:

“The U.S. is using its spurious inclusion of Cuba on the list of “State Sponsors of Terrorism” to wield increasingly punitive measures that limit the supply of food, fuel and basic medical supplies. To bolster this inhumane policy, right-wing members of Congress are slipping new, outrageous sanctions into broad budget legislation aimed at keeping the U.S. government running.

The U.S. is refusing to remove Cuba from its “terrorism list” even as Washington and Havana regularly hold counter-terrorism cooperation talks instituted during the Obama administration. This “terrorism” designation blocks Cuba from accessing the international banking system and prevents other countries from carrying on normal trade with Havana.”

(https://ghpartners.org/no-letup-as-us-embargo-strangles-cuba/)

Direct killing now is being coupled with hybrid war virtually everywhere around the globe.

Perhaps the task for the peace movement is to include in the project of building a progressive majority ideas about challenging the US as an imperial power, proclaiming that a progressive agenda requires the dismantling of the permanent war economy. These are truly troubled times, with to a substantial degree the survival of humanity and nature at stake. The war system is a significant part of what the struggle is about.

 

Wisconsin Coalition to Normalize Relations With Cuba

The Bookshelf

CHALLENGING LATE CAPITALISM by Harry R. Targ

Challenging Late Capitalism