Dear Friends,
Many have seen these essays on Portside. I am interested in a conversation about the positions these two statements are taking.
First, the authors
recognize the rise of neo-fascism and alt-nationalism.
Second, they see the connections between these aberrations of populism to dramatic economic decline.
Third, they see the
economic decline for vast majorities-the 99 percent, the precariat, the
industrial working class, people of color, women—as a direct result of the
neoliberal stage of capitalism.
Fourth, they see the
rise of the right as tied to growing alienation, as in prior periods of
economic crisis such as Germany in the 1920s. (The rise of fascism did not
begin with racism but racism was used to give explanation to the inexplicable
collapse of European and North American economies in the 1930s).
Fifth, the movement
against the rise of the right and neoliberalism
has been sparked by new mass organizations and movements. In the US this
includes Black Lives Matter, Fight for $15, the MeToo movement, Climate Change
campaigns, teachers strikes, gun control advocacy, a New Poor People’s
Campaign, the organization of fast food and service workers, immigrant
solidarity activism, solidarity with the Palestinian people, anti-militarism
and nuclear disarmament. In the electoral arena these campaigns have coalesced
around the Sanders campaign and its aftermath (Our Revolution) and insurgencies
in the Democratic Party. In Great Britain the Corbyn majority in the Labor
Party parallel the US developments. Other currents exist all across Europe and
in the Global South. While experiencing hard times today, in the recent past we
have seen the rise of the World Social Forum, the Bolivarian Revolution, protests
against International Monetary Fund structural adjustment programs, continuing
admiration for Cuba’s revolutionary tradition, and China’s increasing
connectivity to progressive governments in the Global South.
Sixth, while the
political currents listed above, particularly in the Global South, may have
different features, causes, and concerns than some of the progressive campaigns
in the Global North, the centerpiece of the proposed strategies in both
articles is a call for building a Progressive International. I take this to
mean that progressives and the left among them should work to support,
coalesce, and develop a progressivism that establishes a 21st
century New Deal. This is not socialism, but at this point in time represents
an achievable reversal of fascism and neoliberalism. A 21st century
New Deal (a Green New Deal) could reverse the enormous pain and suffering
endured by vast majorities of people on the planet. And, perhaps most
importantly, it would reestablish the legitimacy of government, social
responsibility, community, and the belief that all humankind is interconnected.
For me this could serve as a short-term transition to the construction of a democratic
socialist world.
In
sum, the authors make a powerful case for continuing to build a progressive
majority in the United States and to work in solidarity with progressive
comrades around the world. The seeds have already been planted in many countries.
They need to be watered and nurtured to create just societies everywhere.
