Black History Month: Some Purdue Remembrances: A Repost
Harry Targ
Journal and Courier photo
If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Frederick
Douglass
The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color
line. W.E.B. DuBois
What a proud contrast to the environments that appear to
prevail at places like Missouri and Yale. Mitch Daniels
All across the country students, black and white, hit the
streets and the campus malls to protest racism; structural and interpersonal.
One thousand students rallied at Purdue University on Friday, November 13, 2014
to show solidarity with students at the University of Missouri and to announce
13 demands they were making to address racism at Purdue; a racism that the
university president says no longer exists.
Of course, nationally and locally the struggle for social
and economic justice is historic. Rev. William Barber, leader of the Moral
Mondays Movement, points to the “Three Reconstructions” in post-Civil War
American history. The First Reconstruction occurred in the 1860s and 1870s when
black and white farmers and workers came together to write constitutions and to
create a new democratic Southern politics. The hope this first reconstruction
raised for a truly democratic America was dashed by a shift to the right of the
federal government, the reemergence of the old Southern ruling class, and the
rise of a brutal violent terrorist organization, the Ku Klux Klan. Racist
policies, coupled with terrorism, instilled formal racial segregation in
the South and subtle forms of institutionalized racism throughout the rest of
the country. (A later rendition of the KKK dominated Indiana politics in the
1920s. See for example the powerful book by Timothy Egan, A Fever in the
Heartland).
The Second Reconstruction, Barber asserts, was inspired by
the Brown vs. Board of Education Supreme Court decision which declared that
segregated schools were unconstitutional. With militant sectors of labor, a
grassroots Southern civil rights movement revived all across the country. In
the 1960s, it culminated in civil rights legislation that outlawed racial
segregation and guaranteed voting rights. Also, the “war on poverty” was
launched. Shortly after these victories, the Republican Party presidential candidate
Richard Nixon employed the so-called “Southern Strategy” to shift federal and
state politics to the right. The forerunners of today’s Tea Party (and Trump
supporting MAGA) rightwing reaction expanded their political power at the
federal and state levels. (and Nancy MacLean documents how opposition to the
Brown decision evolved into a vast and powerful rightwing network in the United
States financed by the Koch Foundation and other wealthy rightwing people and
foundations, Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radican Right’s Plan
for America, 2017).
Rev. Barber believes that, with the movement that elected
President Obama, there emerged a Third Reconstruction. It featured the
mobilization of masses of people--blacks and whites, men and women, gays and
straights, blue collar and white collar workers, young and old, people of faith
and those who choose no faith--coming together to reconstitute the struggle for
the achievement of a truly democratic vision. This vision is of a society that
is participatory, egalitarian, and economically and psychologically fulfilling.
The Struggle for Racial Justice at Purdue University
A one-hour documentary called “Black Purdue”
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lMaQyMyQpDc
The resurgence of protests on college campuses over the
last decade, although narrowly focused, represents the contemporary form of the
kinds of struggles for social justice Frederick Douglass talked
about. For example, on the campus of Purdue University, the struggle
for racial justice has a long history. For the first 60 years of the twentieth
century the African American population was less than one percent of the
student body. The numbers of African American students grew to a few
hundred in the 1960s. And in the context of the Second Reconstruction and
activism around civil rights and opposition to the war in Vietnam, some
students organized a “Negro History Study Group” (which later became the Black
Student Union). In 1968, to dramatize what they saw as institutional racism
coupled with an environment of racial hostility, more than 150 Black students
carrying brown bags marched to the Executive Building. At the building they
took bricks from the bags. The bricks were piled up and a sign “Or the Fire Next
Time,” was set next to the bricks. The students submitted a series of demands
including the development of an African American Studies Program and a Black
Cultural Center.
The demonstration was dramatic. The demands clear. The
justice of their motivation was unassailable. Administrators and faculty set up
committees to discuss the protests. And in the short run, only minor changes
were implemented, such as Purdue’s 1968 hiring of the first African American
professor in Liberal Arts.
One year later, after an African American member of the
track team was castigated for wearing a mustache and his verbal response led to
his arrest, Black students launched another protest march with more demands.
This time the Administration and the Board of Trustees authorized the
establishment of the Black Cultural Center, which today is an educational,
social, and architectural hub of the campus. In 1973, Antonio Zamora, educator,
accomplished musician, and experienced administrator was hired to lead the
campus effort to make the BCC the vital embodiment of the university that it
has become. One of the leaders of the 1969 protest, Eric McCaskill, told then
President Hovde by phone during the protest march and visit to the Executive
Building: “We are somebody. I am somebody.”
History of protests at Purdue shows 'another world is
possible'
Forty-six years later one thousand similarly motivated
students rallied together on Friday, November 13, 2014 on the Purdue campus.
They expressed outrage at the systematic violence against people of color
throughout the society and the perpetuation of racism in virtually every
institution. On the Purdue campus they protested the lack of full, fair
representation of African Americans on the faculty and in the student body, a
climate on and off campus that perpetuates racism, and the continuation of all the
old stereotypes of minority students that has prevailed for years. They also
shared their solidarity with the students of the University of Missouri and
they made it crystal clear their disagreement with the statement by the Purdue
University President that the Purdue campus was different.
The organizers provided thirteen demands including:
-an acknowledgement by the President of Purdue University
that a hostile and discriminatory environment still exists at Purdue
-the reinstatement of a Chief Diversity Officer with
student involvement in the hiring process
-the creation of a “required comprehensive awareness
curriculum”
-the establishment of a campus police advisory board
-a 30 percent increase of underrepresented minorities in
the student body and on the faculty by 2019-2020
-greater representatives of minority groups on student
government bodies
Frederick Douglass was correct. Progress
requires struggle. DuBois is still correct about the twenty-first century as he
was about the prior one: the problem of our day remains “the color line.” And
many of those who observed, participated in, and applauded the organizers of
protests in 1968, 2015 and today at Purdue recognize that the
struggles are long, the victories sometimes transitory, and each generation of
activists is participating in a process of fundamental change that will move
society in a more humane direction. The generations of Purdue students of the
1960s and the twenty-first century are linked in a chain for justice.
The Struggle Continues as the importance of DEI Becomes a
Political Tool
Today, the percentage of underrepresented students
continues to be low and various programs of relevance to educating all
students, including underrepresented ones, of the mixed history and culture of
the United States are being threatened with extinction, But Purdue University
continues its commitment to Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion. Programs and
principles should be celebrated and supported. And, this month, Black History
Month, we should remember and pay homage to those students, faculty, and staff
who stood up for programs that have made Purdue University a more comfortable
and intellectually vital place for everybody.
https://stories.purdue.edu/vice-provost-gates-aims-to-transform-campus-culture/
Purdue Residence Halls Renamed After African American
Students
https://www.purdue.edu/vpsl/news/perspectives-stories/fall-2021/parker-halls-monument-to-sisters.php
’In addition to remarks by White-Faines, the dedication also
included comments from Ralph Jefferson, Frieda’s son; Provost Akridge, Vice
Provost for Diversity and Inclusion Gates and Purdue President Mitch Daniels,
as well as performances by the Purdue Black Cultural Center’s Black Voices of
Inspiration Choir.”
“Purdue University and its land grant sisters around the country
were put here more than a century ago to start lowering and removing barriers,
and promote the upward mobility of free peoples and that has been our history
ever since,” Daniels said. “We’ve been too slow about it in many ways and many
times, but the progress has always been forward. Sometimes, it takes courageous
and resolved people, like the Parker sisters, to push things further – and
thank God they did.”
