(Originally posted on January 2, 2015)
Harry Targ
Karl Marx in The German Ideology argued in
the 1840s that the ideas of the ruling class are the ruling ideas. Almost
one hundred years later theorists from the Frankfort School elaborated on
Marx’s idea by developing the theory of the “cultural apparatus.” German
sociologist Max Horkheimer wrote:
One function of the entire cultural
apparatus at any given period has been to internalize in men [and
women] of subordinate position the idea of a necessary domination of some
men over others, as determined by the course of history down to the present
time. As a result, and as a continually renewed condition of this cultural
apparatus, the belief in authority is one of the driving forces, sometimes,
productive, sometimes obstructive, of human history (quoted
in John Bellamy Foster and Robert W. McChesney, “The Cultural Apparatus of
Monopoly Capital,” Monthly Review, July/August, 2013).
Ideas do not spring from the air nor do they arrive
untarnished by social reality from Gods and religion. No, as suggested by Marx,
Horkheimer, Foster, McChesney, and other theorists, ideas are weapons in the
continuous struggle for economic and political domination. Herbert Marcuse
added that the “necessary domination” over people comes from pleasure and
enticements in addition to threats of force. If the image of pleasure does not
mollify the people, then threats of impending pain can be transmitted from
parts of the “cultural apparatus” (education systems, mass media, the internet,
patterns of child rearing, religious institutions), thus legitimizing the
application of force.
As we prepare for a new year with hope for positive
social change, it is worth reflecting on three central concepts communicated
through and justified by the “cultural apparatus:” markets, police,
and the war system. Markets offer the image of
growing pleasure. Economists and politicians reiterate over and over again that
economic development and political stability require the free flow of markets--
buyers and sellers, investors and speculators, workers and bosses, and the
commodification of everything. The idea of markets permeates political
discussion and is presented to publics as intimately connected to democracy,
freedom, and cultural advance. Markets may serve as one mechanism among many to
distribute goods and services but are not, as the ideologues suggest, the
fundamental way of organizing society. But we hear over and over the promise that
markets will bring to all humanity. And market fundamentalists add that
government programs, visions of the public good, and community constitute a
threat to markets and ultimately human betterment. On television, the internet,
in schools, and everywhere in the cultural apparatus people are encouraged to
consume, enjoy, think primarily of themselves, and remain obedient to the
ongoing order.
Finally, politicians, pundits, security analysts, and
many scholars point out that human nature is flawed and as a result there will
always be wars. During the brief periods when the United States is not
actively engaged in war, policy makers ruminate on how the United States must
be prepared for the “next” war. Visions of a peaceful world are beyond the
scope of the economic and political system because there are aggressive,
greedy, and crazed nations and terrorists in the larger world.
In sum, markets, the police, and
the war system constitute key concepts embedded in the cultural
apparatus and are central to the interests of the ruling class. The formulation
of these key concepts is left purposefully vague here as is the description of
the cultural apparatus because every aware participant in the political process
can fill in detailed examples. Whether one “consumes” film, videos, computer
games, music, television, print media, or education, examples of the messages
about the legitimacy of markets, police, and the war system are readily
available. The same self-reflection can be made about the level of centralized
control of the cultural institutions that shape peoples’ consciousness.
Therefore, while global corporations, banks, police forces, and militaries constitute material sources of power and control, they are maintained also by core ideas about markets, police, and the war system. In short, ideas matter.
Transforming society therefore is about changing ideas and who distributes them as well as the economic and military institutions themselves.